published_or_final_version / Politics and Public Administration / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

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Esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar o processo de refundação do Partido da Frente Liberal (PFL), que resultou na troca de comando do partido e na substituição da denominação anterior da legenda por Democratas (DEM), em março de 2007. Assumimos a hipótese de que a transferência do PFL para a oposição a partir de 2003, fato inédito na história do partido e que foi decorrente da chegada do PT ao poder federal, foi o evento determinante para a decisão de seus dirigentes de tentar dar nova imagem e identidade ao PFL. Argumentamos também que a refundação teve como objetivo reposicionar o PFL no mercado político eleitoral brasileiro de modo a que pudesse atrair o apoio da classe média urbana localizada nas cidades de médio e grande porte. Mostramos que a passagem para a oposição desencadeou o enfraquecimento do PFL. Dois movimentos conjugados provocaram o retraimento do partido: 1) a transferência de políticos pefelistas para legendas aliadas ao governo Lula; 2) o mau desempenho eleitoral na região Nordeste, reduto tradicional do PFL em sua fase governista e que passou a ser progressivamente dominado por partidos que apoiavam a administração petista. Por fim, com base nos resultados das eleições municipais de 2000, 2004 e 2008, apresentamos dados e testes estatísticos que sustentam a ideia de que os municípios menos desenvolvidos, menos populosos, localizados no Nordeste e cujas economias são mais dependentes do setor público possuem viés governista. Isto é, nessas localidades, mais do que no restante do país, o poder local tende a se alinhar com o poder federal. Tal tendência parece fornecer uma boa explicação para o retraimento do PFL nos municípios com as características acima definidas. / This dissertation aims to analyze the re-foundation process of the Partido da Frente Liberal (PFL), which resulted in the change of command of the party and the replacement of the previous name of the legend by Democrats (DEM) in March 2007. We assume the hypothesis that the transfer of the PFL for the opposition since 2003, unprecedented in the history of the party and that was determined by the arrival of PT in the federal government, was the crucial event to the decision of party leaders to try to give new image and identity to the PFL. We argue also that the re-foundation aimed to reposition the PFL in Brazilian electoral political market in order to attract the support of the urban middle class located in large and medium-sized cities. We show that the transition to the opposition led to the weakening of the PFL. Two movements together caused the retreat of the party: 1) the transfer of PFL politicians to parties allied to Lula´s administration, 2) the poor electoral performance in the Northeast, traditional stronghold of the PFL during the time it was in the government and that was progressively dominated by parties which supported PT administration. Finally, dealing with the results of municipal elections in 2000, 2004 and 2008, we present data and statistical tests that support the idea that less developed municipalities, few populated, located in the Northeast region and whose economies are more dependent on public sector have a progovernment bias. That is, in these locations, more than in the rest of the country, local government tends to align with the federal government. This trend seems to provide a good explanation for the withdrawal of the PFL in municipalities with the characteristics specified above.

Cette thèse s'appuie sur des recherches documentaires effectuées aux Archives Départementales de La Réunion (Journaux et documents administratifs locaux). Elle est la première étude sur une longue durée sur la vie politique à Cilaos, dernière commune née sur l'île française de La Réunion en 1965. Sur ce territoire particulier, qu'est le cirque de Cilaos, les acteurs politiques ont un rôle primordial pour son développement. Dans ce site, où les remparts forment une arène politique, tous les coups sont permis (fraude, alliance improbable, copinage). C'est ainsi un laboratoire idéal pour une étude de l'évolution de ses élections locales (et ses mœurs) et du développement socio-économique par ces acteurs. L'un d'eux est une pièce majeur de ce jeu de pouvoirs, surnommé le « Lion », Irénée Accot. Il œuvre à l'émancipation politique de sa commune face à sa ville-mère Saint-Louis. À sa mort, son héritage idéologique est lourd à porter pour ses potentiels dauphins. Après une période de remise en cause, l'un d'eux parvient à renouer avec ce glorieux passé, Paul Técher. / This thesis is based on documentary researches in the Departmental archives of Reunion (Newspapers and local administrative documents). It is the first study over a long length on the political life in Cilaos, last municipality born on the French island of Reunion in 1965. On this specific territory, that is the “circus” of Cilaos, the political actors have a key role for its development. In this site, where ramparts form a political arena, all the blows are allowed (fraud, unlikely alliance, favoritism). It is so an ideal laboratory for a study of the evolution of its local elections (and its morals) and of the socio-economic development by these actors. One of them is a play major of this game of powers, dubbed the "Lion", Irénée Accot. He works in the political emancipation of his municipality in front of his city-mother Saint-Louis. Upon his death, his ideological inheritance is so hard to carry for his potential dolphins. After a period of adjournment, one of them manages to reconnect with this glorious last, Paul Técher.

Masters in Public Administration - MPA / This research report examined the implementation of villager self-governance in China, of which the election of village leader is the most distinct feature. Unlike previous studies of village self-governance, which focused on policy intentions of the Chinese leadership or the speculation of scholars about what may happen, this study attempted to examine whether or not the elections are competitive and what the consequences of self-governance are. / South Africa

Orientador: Oswaldo Martins Estanislau do Amaral / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T16:31:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernandes_MonizeArquer_M.pdf: 2086168 bytes, checksum: 26b3585953586bf012c68634f8b238c4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: O objetivo deste trabalho é demonstrar que o contexto local - seja ele sociodemográfico ou institucional - importa na decisão do voto. Assim, buscamos contribuir para a literatura sobre comportamento eleitoral e sobre sistema partidário. A partir de uma amostra representativa de todos os municípios brasileiros, analisamos a volatilidade eleitoral partidária e ideológica para o cargo de vereador nas eleições de 2000 a 2012. Dessa forma, colaboramos com estudos que dizem respeito tanto à organização e ao funcionamento do sistema partidário em nível local, como também àqueles que buscam compreender o que determina a decisão do eleitor, apresentando quais características contextuais são capazes de explicar sua alternância entre os diversos partidos. Os resultados comprovam a relevância das características contextuais para explicar a variação do voto / Abstract: The central aim of this research is to demonstrate that the context matters for the electoral choice. Using a sample of the Brazilian cities, we analyzed the electoral volatility of each political party and of the ideological groups of parties for city councilors in four municipal elections ¿ 2000, 2004, 2008 and 2012. Our intention is to identify which variables (sociodemographic or institutional) explain vote change between two consecutive elections. In this way, we contribute to the literature about electoral behavior and about party systems. The results show that context is important to understand the dimensions of the electoral decision / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestra em Ciência Política

In December 2007, Kenya held what by all accounts were historic presidential, parliamentary and local elections which pitted the then President Mwai Kibaki and his Party of National Unity (PNU) against Mr. Raila Odinga, the leader of the Orange Democratic Party (ODM), Mr. Kalonzo Musyoka, head of ODM-Kenya, and six other candidates. There was however, even before the elections were in progress, several indicators of conflict such as pervasive use of inflammatory campaign rhetoric. Within minutes of the Electoral Commission of Kenya’s declaration of President Kibaki's victory, tribe-based rioting and violence broke out across the country. The results announced showed both a rapid disintegration of Odinga’s previously large lead during the tallying of votes, and a 2.5% margin between the two leading candidates. As a result, suspicions of tampering were high, not least because the opposition had won 99 seats to PNU’s 43 at the parliamentary level. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010. / A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Paulo Comoane of the Faculty of Law, University of Eduardo Mondlane, Maputo, Mozambique. 2010. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

This thesis describes the parties, which stand for the local elections under another name, then is an actual name of the political party. However, there is not definition yet, in the Czech Republic this topic is not even included in a literature. Those parties, which can be called as hidden parties, do not appear only in the Czech Republic, but they can be found in other countries as well. This thesis describes the problematic of the hidden parties also in England, Belgium, Estonia, Croatia, and Poland. The main part of this thesis is devoted to the hidden parties in the Czech local elections. Beside the definition of what parties can be considered as hidden parties, this thesis includes comparison with other forms of candidacy and the development of frequency of these parties in individual years. There are also compared two forms of candidacy, which under certain circumstances can be considered as hidden parties. The biggest part of this thesis is devoted to the success of these parties and to which parties most often hide their names. Several specific hidden parties are then further analyzed to determine the historical development of parties in a particular city and the degree of connection of candidates and the political party.

This diploma thesis aims to provide insight into the municipal system in small municipalities. The work consists of two parts, a literature search and a research analytical part. The subject of the research is a discussion of Czech and later also German authors who deal with communal politics. The subject of this work is the role of associations as political actors in small municipalities with less than 300 inhabitants. The results of the research demonstrate the identical and different features of the Czech and German debate regarding small municipalities and the involvement of associations in political life. As a result, several variables were identified that are repeated for the authors. The sample is 10 municipalities from the Brandýs nad Orlicí micro-region, which are compared with each other in several areas. Municipalities are very similar, especially in terms of population, and thus the sample is relevant for mutual comparison between municipalities. The subject of the research is the identification of federal candidates and representatives, the support of associations from the municipality and the motivation of federal candidates for candidacy. The key source is interviews with council members and federal candidates, which are processed in the form of graphs and tables. In conclusion,...

The thesis analyses the influence of ideological distance to the formation of executive coalitions at the municipal level. The thesis attempts to determine which factors are reflected in the formation of executive coalitions, how the decision-making processes are functioning at the municipal level and what kind of actors we can determine in this processes. There is also a question if there is a difference between ideological distance of political actors at national and municipal level. Another part of the thesis deals with the possible cleavages between the long- term political subjects in the municipal council and the subjects, which are new in the municipal council. In the empirical part of the thesis there is a comparative case study on the sample of five municipalities from the municipal district of Pilsen-South - five largest municipalities in the district with the population over 3500 were examined: Přeštice, Dobřany, Blovice, Nepomuk and Stod. The field of research was conducted in these municipalities through the semi-structured interviews with the mayors and some other local politicians. An analysis of the election results in these municipalities is also included. This thesis should determine if the research about ideological distance at the municipal level has the meaningful purpose and...