In my diploma thesis, I am reconstructing the anti-immigration attitude in Czech nationalist music production in the year 2016 in the context of the so-called European migration crisis. The sample consists of five selected music videos for nationalist protest songs reacting to the migration crisis and events connected to it. The thesis is based on the theoretical resources of social semiotics and the method of research is the multimodal semiotic analysis, which allows detailed research of the contents of complex communicates like music videos. In the theoretical part, I focus on acquainting the reader to the basics of semiotics, from where I gradually transfer to the school of social semiotics and their theories of modes and multimodality which represent the theoretical background for the analysis in the practical part. Next, I turn to clarifying the progress of the so-called European migration crisis in the years 2015 and 2016 which were crucial for the creation of these nationalist music videos. Also, I justify the choice of the sample and the analyzed themes. The practical part the contains the analysis of the selected music videos using the multimodal semiotic analysis considering three modes - the mode of speech, moving pictures and music. I decode the signs belonging to the pre-set themes....

The resettlement of refugees and asylum seekers in Germany since reunification in 1990 has been challenged by two peaks in asylum seeker applications in 1992 and again in 2016. From the 1992 peak, which was fueled by asylum seekers fleeing the former Yugoslavia, extensive research has already been conducted over the past thirty years. These studies have demonstrated the actual outcomes of these primarily Yugoslavian asylum seekers and refugees with these findings indicating legal and economic uncertainty having a detrimental effect even years after resettlement. Using Germany as a case study, this analysis aims to survey the available information in the more recent example of asylum seekers arriving in Germany from 2014 onwards primarily from the Syrian Arab Republic, Afghanistan, and Iraq. Ultimately, successful resettlement equates to successful integration measures. The issues of policy legacy and learning as well as elements of the available support network for asylum seekers in housing, Integrationskurse (integration courses), and advice centers are examined to understand how each relates to successful integration and security for asylum seekers. The findings indicate that Germany has achieved successful resettlement and integration of asylum seekers through policy learning from the early 1990s onwards and a strong support network available for those seeking asylum, yet the exclusion of certain groups from integration measures unfairly leaves some behind. A continuous evaluation of these integration measures is necessary to ensure the successful resettlement of refugees and asylum seekers in Germany in anticipated future peaks in asylum seeker applications.

This paper analyzes how the explained and unexplained part of the Oaxaca-Blinder decomposition has changed due to a shift in attitudes towards immigrants in Germany. We use the migration crisis in 2015 as an exogenous source of variation in attitudes towards immigrants. As many studies analyze labor market discrimination, there are very few studies examining discrimination in the German labor market by conducting a natural experiment. In contrast to previous empirics, this paper sets out to explain and decompose the differences between immigrants and natives using a rather unique method. This paper is based on data from the European Social Survey (ESS) conducted in 2014 and 2016 and is analyzed using measures of public attitudes, the linear probability model, and the Oaxaca-Blinder decomposition. The results indicate that there are rather great differences in employment probabilities, human capital and family constellations between immigrants and natives. Measuring public attitudes, it is evident that there has been a general decline in positive attitudes towards immigrants post the migration crisis in 2015. Analyzing the Oaxaca-Blinder decomposition, it is evident that the unexplained (discriminatory) part of the decomposition has decreased which is referred to as a decrease in discrimination in the labor market. Even though that a general decline in positive attitudes towards immigrants is present, an increase in the unexplained part of the decomposition is not observed. As no correlation between public attitudes and the unexplained part of the decomposition is apparent, it is most likely that employers base their employment decision on the extent of information provided. This indicating that discrimination in the labor market most likely is due to statistical discrimination and not due to the preferences of the employer.

This thesis aims to prove or disprove the hypothesis that the media (Mlada fronta DNES and Lidové noviny), owned by a group of MAFRA, creates the media image of a migratory crisis consistent with the preview of the owner Andrej Babis. This thesis examines articles in the newspapers using quantitative content analysis on this topic appearing between March- December 2015. The theoretical section consists of two chapters; first dealing with the media image and the design of the media mechanism and second, introducing the terminology of migration and migration policy. The Thesis also includes the contextual information, capturing and describing the European migration crisis on the basis of these findings and constructed in the design research. The analytical part incorporates knowledge of quantitative analysis and research positions A. Babis. The conclusion answers the research questions that are for the purpose of writing this paper. This work is based on the relevance of the topic and the possible transformation of attitudes of political parties in the coming elections. Keywords: Media representation, migration crisis, refugees, MAFRA, Babiš, migration, media content analysis, ANO 2011, elections, news values

This thesis deals with Angela Merkel's crisis management using the example of the Ukrainian and migration crises in the Polish political discourse. The aim of the research, which relied on the method of content analysis of stenographic transcripts of meetings of the Polish Sejm, was to find out how the Polish political elite perceived crisis management of Angela Merkel as the leader of Germany and the EU in these crises, what motivation they thought accompanied these actions, and what this showed about the Polish political scene itself. Before Angela Merkel left the chancellor's chair after 16 years, she was regarded as one of the most powerful world leaders, having led Germany and the EU through several major crises. However, many of the German Chancellor's actions have become divisive within the EU and, as the example of Poland has shown, also in the internal politics of the Member States. The analysis has revealed that the assessment of Angela Merkel's policies by Polish MPs mirrors the internal political split between the two major Polish parties, the Civic Platform and Law and Justice.

The European migration crisis of 2015-2016 exposed a number of issues with the EU’s internal system for migration management, the Common European Asylum System. As a result the EU looked beyond its own borders to deal with what they had framed as a crisis. Amongst its responses were a number of external migration management agreements with third countries. Most notable and controversial was the EU-Turkey Statement. It was heavily criticised for things that were not new in external migration management agreements. Therefore, this thesis looks into how external migration management agreements changed with the migration crisis. Understanding the crisis as a framed situation in which the EU acted differently than normal, I will look at an external migration management agreement made during non-crisis—the Mobility Partnership with Moldova—and compare it to the EU-Turkey Statement made in said crisis. The similarities between these agreements show that the crisis accelerated a number of processes that had been going on in external migration management in the EU for years: informalisation and increasing focus on security. The differences show that in crisis the EU makes agreements hastily and as a result can loose its leverage over its negotiation partner.

This thesis studies how securitization differs between the war in Ukraine and the war in Syria. It does so by comparing conclusions, statements and speeches published by the European Council in order to understand the perceived differences in crisis management according to their initial reactions. The aim is thus to compare the two crises to understand the European Union's different crisis management. Furthermore, this study uses a discursive analysis to investigate the European Council's reactions through securitization theory, which identifies how a political issue becomes a security threat. The findings suggest that the two crises illustrate different perceptions of the security threat and what to protect, highlighted in the diverse management. In turn, this means that the crises have been securitized differently, and the results have contributed to providing an explanation of the different management and understanding of the crises. Future research is encouraged regarding the effects of securitization and further exploring how the cases' differences affect the results to understand the two crises better.

Abstract: This thesis consists of a case study on textual analysis derived from the European Union database regarding Migration Policy implemented in the year 2015 with new external policies in conjunction to tackle the Migration Crisis (EU15).  The framework of this thesis focuses on the EU:s Migration Agenda’s efficiency with an exemplification of its Member States like Sweden. To identify the obstacles, i.e. the strengths and weaknesses the policy area faces, and the opportunities that can be of benefit from this agendas, if the EU was to encounter another crisis again.      Furthermore, I present previous scholars' research and depict the theories used in this case study which are; securitization, the concepts of Institutionalism: solidarity, and harmonization. Afterwards, I present the current migration policy derived from the European Agenda issued in the year 2015 and also present the document regarding the progress under the European Agenda On Migration (an illustration between the years 2015 → 2018) issued in the year 2018 and illustrate a comparison towards a Member State; Sweden's result on migratory flow derived from the Swedish Migration Agency.       Then, I analyze my observations on these documented agendas by identifying what I observe to be the strengths and the weaknesses, and also justify what I observe can be used as a strategic tool towards the subduing of a future migration crisis if we were to face a migration crisis again in Europe after the 2015 crisis.        Lastly, I conclude my case study with further insight on what I acknowledged from my framework regarding the EU efficacy and characterize some concepts I find essential towards strengthening within the institution. Thus, give commentary on what I would have touched more on, but possibly can be of a benefit for further studies for any scholar interested in the EU Migration Policy.  Keywords:   EU Agenda on Migration Policy, Migration Policy, Security, Mobility,                              EU Migration Crisis 2015,  EU External Policies,                          Integration with non-EU countries.

The diploma thesis examines the political narrative of German Chancellor Angela Merkel during the EU migration crisis in 2015-2016. The aim of the thesis is to show, how Chancellor Merkel justified her policy and the approach of the Federal government in matters of European migration policy. What priorities and motives can be seen in the keynote speeches of the German Chancellor? Which of the arguments were crucial? The thesis is based on the fact that Merkel took on two levels of argument. On the one hand, she understands her political actions in the European Union from a normative point of view, on the other hand some political steps could be seen from a pragmatic strategic point of view. The aim of the study is also to examine the role of Germany in the EU from the perspective of the so-called dividual actor. After the introductory section, the third chapter outlines the development of the migration crisis in the EU. The following chapter brings an overview of the solution to the migration crisis in terms of developments in Germany. The fifth chapter is an analytical part of the thesis, which aims to identify and interpret the various narratives of Angela Merkel in the field of German European policy and the solution to the migration crisis. In conclusion the results of analysis are introduced.

in english language: The diploma thesis is focused on expert capacities of selected political parties in the Czech republic in the field of the migration policy in context of election programs for the House of Commons election in the Czech republic in 2017. Migration policy has never been so discussed theme. But it was changed with coming of "migration crisis" and today is the access to the migration policy and the migration crisis in election programs monitored by media and electores very much. I want to focus on the expert background of the selected czech political parties, especially on partie's comissions and sections a their expert capacities. They are specializing in migration policy and migration crisis and provided opinions and backgrounds for the parties for election program. The research is focused on these parties: SPD, KSČM, Strana zelených. I am going to compare analytical capacities of these parties. I want to find out the functioning of the commissions and the type of experts. The way how the members of the commissions have become members is researched too. Next important thing for my research is the transmisson between expert commissions and election program for elections in 2017, and especially in the parts of program devoted to migration policy and migration crisis. I will not...