Summary: It is widely accepted that it is impossible to write prehistory on the basis of the results of archaeological excavation alone. Whether the aims of prehistoric re-construction are to write the �anthropology of dead peoples� (Heizer and Graham, 1967), or to explore the dynamics of culture history (Chang, 1967), such re-construction necessitates the use of additional non-archaeological data. Although some disagreement exists over the most salutory means of applying the results of research in the social and natural sciences, there is little doubt that prehistory benefits from the association. This dissertation, which was undertaken to assess the role of supplementary data in New Zealand prehistoric research, employs two types of non-archaeological evidence: ethnographical-historical data, and methods for assessing subsistence activities from scientific data. These involve not only a study of relevant written records, but also of regional and seasonal distribution of food resources.

Summary: It is the object of this essay to present a survey of public opinion respecting native policy in the year prior to the outbreak of the first Taranaki war. As European New Zealanders were in 1859 experiencing their third year of Responsible Government, the tone of public opinion is of particular interest, for theoretically the widely enfranchised public had it in their power to influence official policy by their votes. Although the field of Responsible Government did not, in theory, extend to Native Affairs, in practice this limitation was by no means absolute. Gore Browne�s power of ultimate decision was considerably modified by his avowed ignorance of Maori language, character, and customs; and by his dependence on the representative Assembly for funds to execute a positive native policy. He thus relied heavily on the Staff of the Native Department to supply his former deficiency; and agreed to allow a responsible minister to advise him on Native Affairs. This system in practice prevented the formulation and execution of a positive native policy, and involved a dangerous opportunity for irresponsible action. The equivocal nature of responsibility for native affairs was also a handicap to the development of public opinion, which was unable to concentrate on a supreme source of effective authority. For these reasons, the essay will contain particular reference to the question of divided responsibility.

This research is concerned with Kai Tahu experiences and understandings of the concept and use of the term, landscape. The term itself is one used variously to represent for us as Iwi, the land and the sea including flora and fauna. The Kai Tahu landscape is Papatuanuku, our cosmological mother. Particular areas used for the case studies include the following marae: Otakou, Karitane, Kaikoura, Tuahiwi, Ka marae e toru o Horomaka, Taumutu, Te Tai Poutini, Hukanui, Waihopai, Arowhenua, Oraka, Awarua and the many places of te rohe potae o Kai Tahu i Te Waipounamu. Material was drawn from literature, the participants formally interviewed and many from within and outside Kai Tahu rohe potae. All responses are used to illustrate the ways in which Kai Tahu and some of their non-Kai Tahu spouses express particular definitions of what for each, constitutes and is constituted in the landscape. Kai Tahu participants� landscape definition includes whakapapa, placenames, identity (personal and cultural), spirituality and sustenance. Elements of these are present to a similar degree for some of the spouses, but not all. This seems largely dependent upon the degree to which they have participated in matters pertaining to Kai Tahu. Degrees of participation and connection may be applied to Tahu people alienated from their kaik, whether urbanised near or distantly domiciled. Theoretical bases in literature from a number of disciplines are used to discuss perceptions of what anthropologists more usually term �place� and how Kai Tahu fit this or choose to fit the understanding of cultural others into our world view. The research also looks briefly at the environmental landscape and who presently has power and therefore mana over its use and or misuse, especially in relation to management of Papatuanuku. Due to the [sic] of the type [sic] project this thesis is, it cannot finally conclude there is a single Kai Tahu or gender specific perception of landscape. This would never be provable in any circumstance, since it is not scientifically based. It does however, suggest there is an indigenous perspective of landscape that differs from certain Western thinking and within the indigenous perspective, a Kai Tahu epistemological understanding of the landscape based on our theory and knowledge of ourselves.

The Decade of Maori Development (1984-1994) stimulated the re-emergence of distinctly Maori approaches to progressing their own advancement. Maori health promotion is one such approach that has a central concern for improving Maori health outcomes. A range of Maori collectives are providing what they claim to be distinctly Maori health promotion initiatives. However, Maori health promotion has a pragmatic orientation, and this has, at least in part, led to conceptual and theoretical under-development. There is an almost complete lack of empirically and theoretically sound work to conceptualise Maori health promotion. This research programme has focused on identifying the defining characteristics of Maori health promotion. The primary data source for this research programme was three case studies of Maori health promotion interventions. Tipu Ora - a Maori community-based well-child programme; the Plunket Kaiawhina Service - a national Maori focussed initiative located within a mainstream service; and, the Wairarapa Maori Asthma Project - a tribally-based asthma management initiative. The main source of data in each of the case studies was in-depth open-ended interviews with programme participants and stakeholders. Data was also drawn from document review and archival records. The findings of this research indicate that Maori health promotion is based on a broad concept of health, which can be expanded as the basis for a more general argument for Maori advancement. Maori health promotion is the process of enabling Maori to increase control over the determinants of health and strengthen their identity as Maori, and thereby improve their health and position in society. Its defining characteristics have been identified in this research programme, and presented in �Kia uruuru mai a hauora�, a framework for Maori health promotion. The Framework has the potential to provide the basis for a more consistent and rigorous approach to Maori health promotion practice, policy, purchasing, and research. Aspects of the Framework may also have wider application to generic health promotion and other indigenous peoples� approaches to health promotion. This study concludes that Maori health promotion draws primarily on the heritage and new knowledge that arises from Maori and Western experiences. However, it remains grounded in the distinctive concepts and values of Maori worldviews. Maori health promotion is a distinctly Maori process, in step with and indigenous health promotion, but primarily on the determination of Maori to be Maori.

This study explores post-contact changes to the ordinary Maori whare. The main physical characteristics of the ordinary whare at contact are identified by accessing archaeological and written 18th century ethnographic data. Changes in the ordinary whare in the period from contact to 1940 are discussed. Evidence from historical archaeology, written 19th century ethnographic accounts and from previous academic research is considered. In addition, changes in the ordinary whare are highlighted, based on evidence from an empirical survey of whare depicted in sketches, paintings, engravings and photographs. Rigorous statistical analysis was beyound the scope of a Master�s thesis, however trends in the data are presented. A range of these are reproduced illustrating the text. After changing gradually for 130 years, the ordinary Maori whare appears to have been widely replaced by European-style houses in the early decades of the 20th century. In Aotearoa/New Zealand in the 1990s, it is apparent that Maori culture has survived the 220 or so years since contact. These years entailed increasing contact between Maori and European. In mid 20th century academic studies of Maori communities, European-style houses were found to have been used in line with continuing Maori conceptions. This evidence indicates that traditional ideas were transferred to European-style houses. The gradual changes in the whare prior to the 20th century indicate that it was a conservative social construction of space conforming to expectations about vernacular architecture generally. But the process by which Maori culture was maintained and reproduced was complicated that further study of Maori conceptions of space within the home is required.

Summary: The name of Dr. Edward Shortland is intimately associated with the early efforts of the New Zealand government to establish friendly relations with the Maoris, and the difficulties which faced him in this respect can be more readily understood after a reference to the general situation in the country in 1840, the year preceding Shortland�s arrival. A sketch of the 1840 situation must take into account first of all the population, both native and European, with reference also to the numerically small but otherwise powerful and influential �Pakeha-Maoris�; it must involve too, some explanation of the missionaries and their work, the extent to which thay had civilized the Maoris, and their general influence over the natives and their mode of life. The land question must also be considered, for it was to become the source of practically all the later trouble, and Shortland, in his capacity as sub-Protector of the Aborigines, found himself involved in numerous and intricate negotiations on this delicate subject.

Summary: An Elders View Ka hoki ano waku korero nei na i runga i nga raputanga i haramai tatou ko te iwi whenua e korerotia ai tona korero i haramai i Hawaikiroa i Hawaikinui i Hawaiki pamamao. Kei hea tenei wahi? Ka rapu te matauranga. I haramai tatou no tehea wahi? Kare kau i kitea e ratou. E kore e kitea. E kore e kitea e ratau na te mea ko taua i haere wairua mai ka hoki wairua taua. I now return to what has been said that we the original people came to this land from Long Hawaiki, from the Great Hawaiki, and from Distant Hawaiki. Where are these places? The learned have searched. From which place did we come from? They will never find it because we came in spirit and we return in spirit. (Chapter 2). A Pakeha View I tell the story as I see it and people can read my material if they wish to but if they don�t then that is their problem. The trouble with New Zealanders is that they do not care about archaeology. The Maoris are the worst offenders. Their attitude is one of indifference, they couldn�t care less. When I have excavated on Maori land I have contacted the Maori organisations concerned and I have invited them to come along and observe what is being done because after all it is their history that I am digging up. However the decision is not really for the Maori to decide when I am working on Pakeha land, and anyway the land does not belong to the Maori, it belongs to all. I admit that I am sorry that archaeologists destroy sites but they do record them in their books. (Chapter 6)--Preface.

As a public medium and a vehicle of "culture", which frames and comprehends social priorities, relations and identities, news has received scant anthropological attention (Spitulnik 1993). Whanganui Iwi�s occupation of Moutoa Gardens in 1995 was made available to a public as "news". My project reveals a range of exclusions around these mediations, which conjure wider issues regarding the production of representations within (post) colonial contexts. As a contribution to anthropology, my ethnography responds to the limitations of traditional ethnographic praxis, providing a productive response to criticisms of the discipline and revealing the public value of ethnographic sensibilities. Whanganui Iwi believed the Gardens to be the historical site of Pakaitore pa. The area was reclaimed as a marae, shelters were built, the perimeter fenced, and Iwi lived on site for 80 days. The initiative constituted an expression of Iwi�s experiences of exteriority within Wanganui and their frustration with the delay of the Crown�s response to their claims alleging breaches of Treaty of Waitangi. Iwi temporarily inverted their relationship to the Pakeha community by establishing a literal boundary to the marae, which rendered those who were not supportive of Iwi aspirations "outsiders". While access to the marae was controlled, and restrictions were placed on news workers, the only group banned from the marae were the employees of the city�s newspaper, the Wanganui Chronicle. My project details the production of news about Pakaitore, and the attempts of Iwi to control their representation; specifying the role of "location" (both spatial and ideological) in the production of written and photographic accounts (Haraway 1991). I examine how the structures of news production are deployed and contested by news workers, and the manner in which news texts may or may not be "inhabited" by their subjects and public. I compare the journalistic practices of Chronicle workers, prior to and following their ban, with those of out of town newsworkers from press and television. The mechanisms, codes, and values of what makes "good" news structure particular locations for news workers, and this largely precluded conveying the intention and experience of nga Iwi at Pakaitore. This extended to the reports gathered by the reporter for TVNZ (the state owned broadcaster), who, as Iwi whānau, was allowed unfettered access to the marae. Being "the news" interfered with agendas inside the marae. From this location, Pakaitore was about building relationships between hapu and strengthening a sense of community. Hui addressed the status of Iwi within Wanganui, and rangatahi and visitors were educated in tribal history and tikanga. These priorities contest the "outside" perspective that Pakaitore was simply an attempt to antagonise Pakeha authorities. Throughout the course of my fieldwork visual aspects of media representations of Pakaitore were cited by a range of my informants as conveying particular authority. In some contexts this was by way of revealing the "truth" about the threat of protest to social cohesion, while in others it provided evidence for the media�s inability to represent the initiative in a manner that was sympathetic to, or representative of, Iwi whanau. I argue that the privileging of the disembodied visual reproduces myths of "otherness", covering over experiences of embodied "difference" and the history which renders activism intelligible. My project reveals that in Aotearoa/New Zealand, those contesting the Pakeha imaginary of a "post-racist" culture are cast as producing racial disharmony.

Throughout the nineteenth century probably the majority of Pakeha held the view that the East Polynesian ancestors of the Maori were the first people to settle in New Zealand. Over the same period there were always considerable numbers of Pakeha who held the alternative view that an earlier people were already living in New Zealand when the first East Polynesian immigrants arrived. Among Maori each hapu and iwi had their own origin traditions. Some held that their ancestors arrived to an empty land, while others believed there were other groups already here when their own ancestors arrived. The traditions of the Chatham Island Moriori indicated that they were also East Polynesian migrants, but some Pakeha speculated that the Moriori were a distinct people from the Maori. By the early twentieth century one set of ideas on early settlement had become the orthodox view of the past among Pakeha. This view, which held sway from the 1910s until at least the 1960s, maintained that the original people of New Zealand were the �Moriori�, a people only distantly related, if at all, to the Maori. This primitive early people were supposed to have been displaced by the arrival of the more advanced East Polynesian Maori. Some of the more fortunate Moriori were absorbed into the Maori tribes, while the majority were either killed or driven into exile on the Chatham Islands. This idea of the past, sometimes called the �Moriori Myth�, has now been largely rejected by scholars, but still holds some currency in popular circles. The current thesis examines the question of how the �Moriori Myth� developed and eventually became the orthodox view of the past. This question is investigated in the contexts of British imperial expansion, of the development of scientific ideas on race and evolution, and of the study of language and folklore as a way to decipher racial history. The current thesis is largely based on the writings of Pakeha and Maori scholars of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Letters and manuscripts, in both English and Maori, have been used, along with published books and papers. The major focus of the work is the idea that the Moriori Myth largely developed out of the Pakeha study of Maori oral history. This study of oral history led to a considerable degree of interaction between Pakeha scholars and Maori experts. A major focus in the early part of the work is on Pakeha attempts to determine the racial identity and history of the Chatham Island Moriori. In this part of the work considerable attention has been paid to the collaborative work of the Pakeha scholar Alexander Shand and the Moriori expert Hirawanu Tapu, who worked together to record the surviving Moriori traditions. The focus of the latter part of this thesis is on the creation by Pakeha scholars of theoretical models of the early migrations to New Zealand, based on their understandings of Maori oral traditions. It will be argued that the �Moriori Myth� was largely based on the writings of Stephenson Percy Smith, as promoted by himself and Elsdon Best, through the medium of the knowledge network formed by the Polynesian Society. Smith�s writings on the �Moriori Myth� will be shown to have been largely based on his interpretations of the writings of the Ngati Kahungunu scholar Hoani Turei Whatahoro. It will be argued that the �Moriori Myth� was in fact the creation of interactions between Pakeha scholars and Maori experts rather than the invention of any one person or group.

Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)--University of Waikato, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 113-119) Also available via the World Wide Web.