This study investigates how journalists experience economic and political pressures on their ethical decisions at the Nation Media Group (NMG) conglomerate in Kenya. The study uses qualitative semi- structured interviews to examine how journalists experience these pressures on their professional ethics as they make their daily decisions. Grounded in the critical political economy of the media tradition, the findings of the study indicate that economic and political pressures from advertisers, shareholders’ interests, the profit motive and the highly ethnicised political environment in Kenya largely compromise the ethical decisions of journalists. The study draws on the work done by Herman and Chomsky in their ‘Propaganda Model’ in which they propose ‘filters’ as the analytical indicators of the forms that political and economic pressures that journalists experience may take. The study explores the ways in which journalists experience these pressures, how they respond to the pressures and the ways in which their responses may compromise their journalism ethics. The findings indicate that aside from the pressures from the primary five filters outlined in the Propaganda Model, ethnicity in Kenyan newsrooms is a key ‘filter’ that may compromise the ethical decisions of journalists at the NMG. The study therefore argues that there is a need to modify the explanatory power of the Propaganda Model when applying it to the Kenyan context to include ethnicity as a ‘sixth filter’ that should be understood in relation to the five primary filters. From the findings, it would seem that the government is no longer a major threat to journalists’ freedom and responsibility in Kenya. Market forces and ethnicity in newsrooms pose the greatest threat to journalists’ freedom and responsibility. The study therefore calls for a revision of the normative framework within which journalists’ and media performance in Kenya is assessed. As the study findings show, the prevailing liberal- democratic model ignores the commercial and economic threats the ‘free market’ poses to journalism ethics as well as ethnicity in newsrooms and only focuses on the media- government relations, treating the government as the major threat to media freedom.

Red Pepper has been the subject of much discussion in Uganda, with some accounts describing it as a liberal mouthpiece, and others as pornography. This case study, therefore, sought to investigate Red Pepper as a media phenomenon in Uganda in the 21st century, specifically between 2001 and 2004. Employing quantitative and qualitative methodologies, it focused on the production process and the text. Although sexualised content dominate its pages, and news about issues such as the environment and education are near-absent, its managers describe the publication as legitimate, normative and consistent with liberal media standards. Accordingly, to interrogate Red Pepper in terms of its journalistic functions, selected debates associated with liberal approaches to news media, media political economy, tabloidisation, pornography and gendered relations were reviewed. The analysis entailed five phases. The first was a denotative or descriptive analysis, which focused on the publication's structure and content focus. This was followed by an interview with management, a broad content analysis to establish the incidence of predefined content categories expected of the tabloid, pornographic and liberal press and, lastly, a theme-based content analysis that sought to establish the potential meanings and framing of the dominant content categories of gossip and sexualised copy. Overall, the study found Red Pepper to be a misogynistic tabloid, having elements said to belong to pornography and homophobia. According to the findings, not only does Red Pepper fall short of a liberal understanding of a newspaper in terms of diversity of topics, provision of information and professional practice, it also does not fit the understanding of an alternative public sphere, mainly because it fails to challenge the patriarchal framing of sex, sexuality and gendered relations. This framing is undertaken deliberately as a means to securing economic rather than journalistic ideals to which the editors pay lip service. Consequently, the gossip and sexualised content are not problematised and as such discourses and power relations therein are not interrogated. Neither are inadequacies in local systems addressed nor corrective action mobilised as expected of some tabloids. All in all, the publication fronts superficial entertainment content that echoes particular gender constructions and patriarchal commonsense and entrenches the (undesirable) status quo which, ironically, it claims to challenge.

This thesis, titled “Normative Media Theory and the Rethinking of the Role of the Kenyan Media in a Changing Social Economic Context,” is a theoretical study that discusses the role of normative media theory in shaping and guiding debate on the role of the media and attendant policy making processes in a changing Kenyan social economic context. This is done against the background of acknowledgment of the general state of flux that characterizes normative media theory in a postmodern, globalized and new media landscape. The study thus extensively describes the Kenyan media landscape, with a view to demonstrating how it has and is continuing to be transformed by a variety of developments in the social economic set up of the Kenyan society. In order to provide a theoretical basis for explaining these developments, the study then indulges in an extensive theoretical discussion that presents a synthesis of current arguments in the area of normative media theory. This discussion fundamentally brings to the fore the challenges which characterizes normative media theory in a changing social economic context and therefore the inability of traditional normative theory to account for new developments in the media and society in general. In an attempt to integrate normative media theory and practice, the study then discusses (against the backdrop of theory) the views and opinions of key role players in the Kenyan media landscape, in regard to how they perceive the role of the media. Particular attention is given, inter alia, to matters such as media ownership, media accountability processes, changing media and communication technologies, a changing constitutional landscape, the role of the government in the Kenyan media landscape, the place of African moral philosophy in explaining the role of the media in Kenya, and the growth of local language radio. Finally, on the bases of theory, experiences from other parts of the world and the views of key role players in the Kenyan media landscape, the study presents several normative guidelines on how normative theory and media policy making in Kenya could meet each other, taking into account the changes occasioned by globalization and the new media landscape. These proposals are essentially made to enrich general debate on the role of the media in Kenya, as well as attendant media policy making efforts. / Communication / D.Litt. et Phil. (Communication)

This research study aimed to examine how the identity of ' Muslim' people is constructed in British print media today, and whether or not these constructions promote or undermine a xeno-racist project. The research draws on the idea that identity is partly constructed through representation, with an emphasis on how language can be used to construct and position people in different ways. Using a social constructionist paradigm, the study further considers the role that print media has in providing a discursive field within which the construction and reproduction of racist attitudes and ideologies in contemporary global society can take place. Sixty-five newspaper articles were selected from the online archives of British newspapers, The Guardian and The Daily Telegraph using systematic random sampling. These were analysed using the six stages of Foucauldian discourse analysis outlined by Carla Willig. To provide a more fruitful account, the analysis also incorporated the methods of Potter and Wetherell whose focus is on the function of discourse, as well as van Langenhove and Harre's focus on subject positioning, and Parker's use of Foucauldian analysis which looks at power distributions. The analysis revealed that Muslims are discursively constructed as a direct politicised or terror threat, often drawing on discourses of sharia law, and Muslim-Christian relationships. They are also constructed as a cultural threat, drawing on discourses of isolation, oppressed women, the veil/headscarf, identity, visibility and integration. The analysis also showed some variation in constructions, and these extended from the racialization of Muslims to showing the compatibility between Islamic and western values. This study discusses the form these different constructions take and the possible implications these constructions might have in contributing toward a prejudiced and largely negative image of Islam and Muslims.

Governor John B. Connally Jr., who served as chief executive of the State of Texas from 1963.to 1969, made extensive use of the mass communication media to further both his programs and his own political fortune. It is the purpose of this study to examine the history of Connally's use of the media, to evaluate the degree of success he achieved in the use of the media, and to present evidence of how he was able to achieve success in the use of the media. The study was done in three phases. In the first phase, microfilm files of two newspapers, the Dallas News and the Houston Chronicle, were studied in detail for the years 1962 through 1968. Clipping files of the Associated Press in Austin and the Dallas Times Herald also were studied for the years in question. Also, the New York Times Index was examined for references to Connally during these years. Such references were then checked on microfilm files of the Times. In the second phase, key members of Connally's staff for those years and key members of the capitol press corps in Austin were interviewed. As a third step, a questionnaire was mailed to 25 selected Texas editors soliciting their views on Connally's press relations.

Housing delivery has been in a state of crisis long before the realisation of democracy in South Africa and still remains a point of contention for the poor. Issues of service delivery, particularly housing delivery, have consistently made newspaper headlines in post-apartheid South Africa. Between 2004 and 2012, service delivery protests increased from 34% in 2005 to 173% in 2012. The City Press, a weekly newspaper, focused on the coverage of issues of development in South Africa, emerging as an important voice in reporting on citizen action related to service delivery in the country during this time. Therefore, the principal objective of this study was to investigate the City Press representation of citizen action on housing delivery in South Africa between 2005 and 2015. With a view to providing insight into the role of the media in development, this study employed qualitative research methodology. Qualitative content analysis was utilised in studying the City Press editorials and the City Press individual journalist’ opinion pieces and the newspaper news reports. In addition, past and present City Press journalists identified with reporting on developmental issues were interviewed. The development communication theory was explored as an appropriate theoretical framework for this study, The investigation of the City Press representation of citizen action on housing delivery found that there were several complex issues and processes that negatively impacted the process of housing delivery during the second decade of South African democracy, including a scourge of corruption driven by inefficiencies administration of the housing delivery process. In that respect the study revealed that housing delivery has been hindered by many aspects, resulting in tensions and a strained relationship between the government and the poor citizens of South Africa. Furthermore, the study established that the City Press individual journalists played a significant role in the representation of citizen action through portraying housing delivery protests at key moments when these happened. / Communication Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication)

Early voting studies before television predominance determined that mass media had a "limited effect" on American voting behavior. This work reassesses the limited-effects notion. The thesis is that the mass media do have significant impact on voting decisions. A trend study, the work utilizes the Center for Political Studies national presidential election surveys 1952-1976, and multiple regression analysis to examine the impact of media, social, and political variables on the dependent variable, time of voting decision.

The thesis seeks to develop a more sophisticated view of the black power movement in twentieth century America by analysing the movement’s cultural legacy. The rise, maturation and decline of black power as a political force had a significant impact on American culture, black and white, yet to be substantively analysed. The thesis argues that while the black power movement was not exclusively cultural it was essentially cultural. It was a revolt in and of culture that was manifested in a variety of forms, with black and white culture providing an index to the black and white world view. This independent black culture base provided cohesion to a movement otherwise severely lacking focus and structural support for the movement’s political and economic endeavours. Each chapter in the PhD acts as a step toward understanding black power as an adaptive cultural term which served to connect and illuminate the differing ideological orientations of movement supporters and explores the implications of this. In this manner, it becomes possible to conceptualise the black power movement as something beyond a cacophony of voices which achieved few tangible gains for African-Americans and to move the discussion beyond traditional historiographical perspectives which focus upon the politics and violence of the movement. Viewing the movement from a cultural perspective places language, folk culture, film, sport, religion and the literary and performing arts in a central historical context which served to spread black power philosophy further than political invective. By demonstrating how culture served to broaden the appeal and facilitate the acceptance of black power tenets it is possible to argue that the use of cultural forms of advocation to advance black power ideologies contributed significantly to making the movement a lasting influence in American culture – one whose impact could be discerned long after its exclusively political agenda had disintegrated.

現有的媒體－抗爭互動機制研究，其結論多是主流媒體傾向非法化、瑣碎化社會運動。但針對威權語境中的媒體－抗爭互動現象，這一論點不再適用。本研究通過2009年廣州番禺反建垃圾焚燒廠事件，探究地方媒體與草根環境運動在與政府協商公共議題時，形成何種互動機制。本文以公共性概念為理論起點，以參與式公共性與可視性公共性這兩種模式作為分析工具，來理解媒體與運動的實踐及其互動。 / 本研究使用多種方法考察事件發展過程，同時試圖建構出媒體－運動的互動機制。主要研究材料包括媒體文本、新聞從業者與抗爭居民的口頭和書面陳述。本文用內容分析方法考察媒體如何再現抗爭居民與當地政府的話語鬥爭，以及新聞框架如何發展演變。研究者與20位新聞從業者與抗爭居民進行深度訪談，以瞭解其行動的目的、策略與束縛，並探索雙方如何理解與評價自身、對方與社會語境。 / 本文的主要貢獻，是通過考察威權語境中的媒體－運動的互動實踐現象來豐富原有的公共性概念。研究發現雙方形成了深度互動、平等、共存的關係。首先，媒體的報道使與抗爭相關的公共論述得以生成、發展、充實。多角度的媒體報道涵蓋了環保與民主參與等話題，由此挑戰了官方對抗爭的打壓式論述。其次，在運動的架構過程中，抗爭居民創造出媒介互動策略，具體表現為抗爭者認識到傳統媒體記者所受的束縛，並與其合作突破這種束縛。他們同時也使用新媒體平台直接動員公眾展開集體行動。最後，新聞從業者發展出抗爭新聞劇目的生產機制，使得抗爭事件停留於報端，令抗爭者成為公共論述的參與者。新聞從業者在追求職業認同與獨立時還借用抗爭的概念，將其用作由下至上新聞改革的資源。 / 以上發現表明，媒體與社會運動作為社會行動者，其互動機制中體現出一種具有建構性與矛盾性的公共性。通過這一媒介化的抗爭事件，雙方發展出針對官方論述的話語抗爭，使得原本屬於越軌範疇的抗爭話語得以進入可公開爭議的合法範疇，由此得以重新界定公開話語空間中的意識形態邊界。 / Existing studies of media-movement interaction have argued that mainstream media tends to illegitimize and trivialize social movements. However, when applied to the newly emerged media-movement interactions in the context of an authoritarian regime, such argument becomes untenable. This study takes an anti-incinerator event taken place in Panyu, Guangzhou in 2009 as its foci of investigation. It examines how local media and the grassroots environmental movement cooperatively negotiated public issues with the government. The concept of publicity and two models of publicity (participatory publicity and visibility publicity) will be introduced. These two models will be used as analytical tools to understand the practice of and the interaction between the media and the movement. / Methodologically, this study adopts multiple methods to trace the process of the event and model the media-movement interaction mechanism. This research constructs the case by analyzing the media texts, together with both oral and written accounts of the journalists and the activists. Content analysis is employed to measure how the media represent the discursive struggles between local residents and local government, as well as how the media frames have evolved during the event. In-depth interviews have been conducted with 20 activists and journalists to explore their intentions, strategies and constraints. Questions were also asked about how they understand and evaluate themselves, each other and the social context. / The primary significance of this study is to explore how the notion of publicity is enriched by the dynamics of the media-movement interaction mechanism within an authoritarian context. The findings demonstrate that both parties have developed an increasingly interactive, equal and co-dependent relationship with one another. First, public discourses surrounding the movement have emerged and survived through the cooperation between journalists and activists. The media has developed diversified reporting angles covering not only environmental issues but also notions of democratic participation that challenged the suppressive official discourse. Second, during the framing process of the movement, the activists have invented an interactive media strategy that helped to break the constraints of journalistic practice within traditional media organizations. Meanwhile, they also adopted new media platforms to directly mobilize for collective action. Third, the journalists have developed a “journalistic repertoire of contention by which they successfully kept the story staying in the newspaper and incorporated the protesters’ voice into the public discussion. Moreover, while in search of their professional identity, the journalists also borrowed the idea of protest as a resource for the bottom-up media transformation. / The above findings suggest that the notion of publicity constructed by the media-movement interaction in this study could be described as constructive and inconsistent. Against the official discourse, journalists and activists have collaborated on the discursive contention by means of the mediated event. By doing so, the previously marginalized “deviant contentious discourse was allowed to enter into the sphere of legitimate controversy, while the ideological boundaries of the public discursive space were also redefined. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 鄧力. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 139-149). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Deng Li. / Chapter 第1章 --- 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- 案例描述與研究對象介紹 --- p.3 / Chapter 1.1.1 --- 案例描述 --- p.3 / Chapter 1.1.2 --- 研究對象 --- p.3 / Chapter 1.1.3 --- 研究對象關係圖 --- p.6 / Chapter 1.2 --- 論文的結構 --- p.8 / Chapter 第2章 --- 理論框架與研究問題 --- p.11 / Chapter 2.1 --- 關於媒體與抗爭政治的互動機制的文獻綜述 --- p.11 / Chapter 2.1.1 --- 媒體與衝突的關係機制 --- p.11 / Chapter 2.1.2 --- 民主社會語境下的媒體與社會運動關係研究 --- p.12 / Chapter 2.1.3 --- 威權社會語境下的媒體與社會運動關係研究 --- p.16 / Chapter 2.1.4 --- 本文研究路徑 --- p.18 / Chapter 2.2 --- 理論框架及研究問題 --- p.20 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- 理論旅行：情境視角下的公共性概念 --- p.20 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- 公共性概念的發展及其雙重屬性 --- p.22 / Chapter 2.2.3 --- 研究問題 --- p.31 / Chapter 第3章 --- 研究方法 --- p.34 / Chapter 3.1 --- 案例描述 --- p.34 / Chapter 3.1.1 --- 案例背景 --- p.34 / Chapter 3.1.2 --- 第一階段：內部動員及組織化抗爭 --- p.35 / Chapter 3.1.3 --- 第二階段：廣泛動員階段 --- p.36 / Chapter 3.1.4 --- 第三階段：遊行事件及以後 --- p.38 / Chapter 3.2 --- 個案研究設計 --- p.39 / Chapter 3.3 --- 數據類型與分析層次 --- p.40 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- 整體事件分析 --- p.41 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- 兩種政治及其互動機制的分析 --- p.42 / Chapter 3.4 --- 研究實施 --- p.43 / Chapter 3.4.1 --- 架構分析方法與實施 --- p.43 / Chapter 3.4.2 --- 深度訪談方法與實施 --- p.50 / Chapter 第4章 --- 抗爭事件的媒體呈現 --- p.55 / Chapter 4.1 --- 媒體再現：對媒體文本的定量框架分析報告 --- p.55 / Chapter 4.1.1 --- 主體資格(standing)與框架(framing)指標的對比 --- p.55 / Chapter 4.1.2 --- 爭奪媒體框架：框架發展與框架鬥爭 --- p.57 / Chapter 4.2 --- 媒體話語的邊界：關鍵事件的文本分析 --- p.66 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- 反腐敗話語的擴展 --- p.66 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- 未被報道的抗爭 --- p.70 / Chapter 4.3 --- 小結：媒體話語的可視性公共性和參與式公共性 --- p.73 / Chapter 第5章 --- 環保抗爭政治的話語策略--框架轉換與媒體使用 --- p.75 / Chapter 5.1 --- 環境抗爭政治的框架轉換 --- p.75 / Chapter 5.1.1 --- 背景：環保運動與轉型社會 --- p.75 / Chapter 5.1.2 --- 框架轉換與提升：從鄰避運動到環保運動 --- p.77 / Chapter 5.1.3 --- 作為話語策略的框架轉換 --- p.82 / Chapter 5.2 --- 抗爭政治與媒體 --- p.82 / Chapter 5.2.1 --- 抗爭政治與傳統媒體的互動策略 --- p.83 / Chapter 5.2.2 --- 抗爭政治的新媒體使用 --- p.89 / Chapter 5.3 --- 小結：作為媒介化公民的環保抗爭者 --- p.96 / Chapter 第6章 --- 媒體公共性的建構--抗爭新聞劇目與媒體轉型政治 --- p.99 / Chapter 6.1 --- 抗爭新聞劇目的概念、表現與生產機制 --- p.99 / Chapter 6.1.1 --- 媒體與抗爭政治：以事件為中介的互動模式 --- p.99 / Chapter 6.1.2 --- 製造抗爭新聞劇目：抗爭事件對新聞實踐的形塑 --- p.103 / Chapter 6.1.3 --- 以事件為中介累積機制的特點、意義及其局限性 --- p.111 / Chapter 6.2 --- 尋求媒體公共性的媒體轉型政治：“一場重新公共化的運動 --- p.117 / Chapter 6.2.1 --- 概念提出：媒體轉型政治 --- p.117 / Chapter 6.2.2 --- 抗爭政治如何作用於媒體轉型政治的“類社會運動實踐 --- p.119 / Chapter 6.3 --- 小結:兩種公共性模式之外的互動實踐 --- p.125 / Chapter 第7章 --- 總結與討論 --- p.128 / Chapter 7.1 --- 威權語境中媒體－抗爭的互動機制 --- p.128 / Chapter 7.1.1 --- 可視性公共性模式下的互動模式 --- p.129 / Chapter 7.1.2 --- 參與式公共性模式下的互動模式 --- p.130 / Chapter 7.1.3 --- 媒體轉型政治與抗爭政治深層互動機制 --- p.131 / Chapter 7.2 --- 威權語境中公共性的建構 --- p.133 / Chapter 7.2.1 --- 公共性的建構性 --- p.133 / Chapter 7.2.2 --- 公共性的矛盾性 --- p.134 / Chapter 7.3 --- 研究意義、研究不足與研究建議 --- p.135 / Chapter 7.3.1 --- 公共性建構模式的可推廣性 --- p.135 / Chapter 7.3.2 --- 公共性建構模式的局限性 --- p.136 / Chapter 7.3.3 --- 對未來研究的建議 --- p.137 / 參考書目 --- p.139

This thesis examines the 1998 complaint of racism against the Mail & Guardian, a leading exponent of South Africa's alternative press in the 1980s, and important contemporary producer of investigative journalism. The study is framed within a cultural studies approach, analysing the Mail & Guardian as constituted by a 'circuit of production': its social context, production, texts, and audiences. The thesis makes three main arguments. First, that the claim of racism cannot be understood outside of a consideration of both the changing political milieu, and subtle changes within the Mail & Guardian itself. Significant social changes relate to the reconfiguration of racial and class identities wrought by the 'Mbeki state'. Within the Mail & Guardian, the thesis argues for the importance of the power and subjectivity of the editor as a key 'factor' shaping the identity of the paper, evidenced in its production practices and textual outputs. In this regard, the thesis departs from a functionalist analysis of particular 'roles' within the newsroom, drawing instead on a post-structuralist approach to organisational studies. Based on this production and social context, the thesis examines key texts which deal with aspects of South Africa's social transformation, and which exemplify aspects of the Mail & Guardian's reporting which led to the complaint of racism by the Black Lawyers Association (BLA) and the Association of Black Accountants (ABASA). Their complaint was that the Mail & Guardian's reporting impugned the dignity of black people, and in so doing was a violation of their rights to dignity and equality which are constitutionally guaranteed. However, as freedom of the press is also guaranteed by the South African constitution, their complaint to the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) resulted in public debate about these contending rights. My second argument relates to the jurisprudential approach to racism, and the related issue of affirmative action, which informed the complaint against the paper. Contrary to the 'normative', liberal approach to these issues, this thesis highlights Critical Race Theory as the jurisprudential basis for both the claimants' accusation of racism against the Mail & Guardian, and aspects of its implicit use in South African human rights adjudication. The thesis argues that in failing to recognise these different philosophical and political bases of legal reasoning, the media, including the Mail & Guardian, in reporting on these matters failed in their purported role of serving the public interest. The thesis concludes by applying Fraser's critique of Habermas's notion of a single, bourgeois public sphere to journalism, thereby suggesting ways in which the critiques of some of the Mail & Guardian's own journalists could be employed to enlarge its approach to journalism - giving voice to constituencies seldom heard in mainstream media.