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The WMC-gF relationship has been attributed to attentional control by some, and to a learning-based account by others. The current study explores inconsistencies in solving structurally-identical problems and how such factors may explain the WMC-gF relationship. Participants completed multiple versions of the same visual-analogies problems, with some problems sharing surface features and others looking vastly different, to test the ability to generalize a rule. In addition, subsequent iterations were shown either immediately after the first presentation, after two intervening items (second presentation), or after at least 10 intervening items (third presentation). Performance on second-presentation items supported both attention and learning-based accounts and performance on third-presentation items supported only a learning-based account. Furthermore, surface similarities interacted with third-presentation item accuracy and WMC, with a stronger relationship for dissimilar looking items. These findings suggest that the ability to learn and generalize rules throughout a task may largely contribute to the WMC-gF relationship.

The aim of this project was to investigate the impact of language proficiency (represented in first and second language) on working memory capacity. A sample of 100 college students from Virginia Tech University completed an on-line survey, performed 2 computer-based working memory capacity tasks (the OSPAN and the Letter Rotation) and had their first language (L1) as well as their second language (L2) proficiency tested. All participants were classified on a five-point likert scale from "poor" to "excellent". Verbal WMC (as measured by OSPAN) was associated with L2 proficiency. However, the L2 "excellent" group did not differ in their OSPAN from the remaining four groups of L2 proficiency classification. No correlation was found between the two WMC tasks. / Ph. D.

The majority of memory research, and research on its cognitive underpinnings has thus far focused on retrospective memory, or memory for things learned or rehearsed in the past. More recently, however, prospective memory, or the memory for future intentions, has become a major area of research. It is theorized that prospective and retrospective memory may both rely on similar constituent parts such as working memory and selective attention; the relationship between these constructs and prospective memory is, however, significantly less clear than for retrospective memory. In this study we sought to further clarify the role that cognitive process play in prospective memory performance using an SEM approach that included monitoring as a mediating variable in addition to focal, non-focal, and time-based prospective memory task condition. Results suggest a monitoring component is important in both focal and non-focal conditions, and that the type of monitoring observed in this study is related primarily to proactive interference, and reflects participants’ ability to disengage from no longer relevant stimuli¬¬¬.

Emotional Stroop task results have been shown to be inconsistent throughout the literature due to a multitude of factors including both stimulus and population factors. There are also several theories to explain the emotional Stroop effects, including the attentional control theory (Eysenck et al., 2007). This theory states that anxiety consumes attentional and memory resources, resulting in impairment in executive functions, and thus cognitive performance is lowered. Recently, Owens et al. (2014) reported that the effects of anxiety on cognitive performance might be moderated by working memory capacity (WMC). The present study explored whether Owens et al.'s (2014) paradigm fit the Stroop data. It also explored the role that WMC had in recognition memory for emotional and neutral words. Processing efficiency during the Stroop task and anxiety was expected to show a positive relationship for High WMC and a negative relationship for Low WMC. Furthermore, memory for emotional words were expected to be better for Low WMC due to longer processing times for emotional words. The results showed that WMC did not improve the model for both the emotional Stroop and the surprise recognition memory task, thereby contradicting Owens et al.'s (2014) proposed paradigm. Furthermore, an increase of anxiety scores showed a decrease in memory for emotional words but only for Low WMC.

Scores from high-stakes tests such as the Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) are commonly used as criteria for college admission decisions. So, it is of implied importance to identify factors that contribute to susceptibility to failure on these tests. One potential factor addressed in the current study was whether emotional cognitive load differentially impacts those with low working memory capacity or trait anxiety. Individual differences in subjective arousal were also tested as a mechanism contributing to this effect. In Experiment 1, a reading comprehension task revealed that type of cognitive load affected accuracy. In Experiment 2, state anxiety was induced using methods from previous research. The results revealed that, again, only type of cognitive load affected comprehension accuracy. Together, results suggest that arousal induced via disturbing words negatively influence reading performance regardless of superior working memory capacity. These findings are not based on cognitive load in general, but the semantic value of the words processed, in particular, that led to comprehension difficulty. Results are discussed in terms of theoretical and practical implications.

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A critical question in the study of human perception is whether information in visual working memory is stored as complete, bound-up objects, or as collections of un-bound visual features. Here I test whether the location of an object is a fundamental feature that is always stored when anything else about the object is, or if it is possible to store other features of an object even with no memory for where it was seen. New experimental paradigms and mathematical models were developed to estimate how many colors, how many locations, and how many color-location conjunctions could be stored. Results across three experiments indicate that about one color is stored with no corresponding memory for where it was seen. This memory is not due to verbal encoding, and does not simply reflect noisy location memory. This freeloating feature greatly constrains theories of how visual information is stored in memory.

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