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This thesis compares the political positioning of Canadian Metis and Mexican mestizos. The central objective is to determine how the identities of these two groups have been affected by their countries' efforts to establish national identities. The initial assumption is that nationalizing projects, by nature, incorporate some groups, while marginalizing others. The body of the paper contains two chapters, with one chapter devoted to tracing the historical development of each group. The Metis, presented in chapter two, exhibit group cohesiveness during the 1800s and, in fact, begin to consider themselves part of a separate nation as early as 1816. However, after the 1885 Rebellion, the group becomes disenfranchised by Canadian expansionists. They join the ranks of non-status Indians, whose similar plights have meant their coordination ever since. The expansion of the group's associations has been problematic since their 1982 mention in the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, as establishing their privileges requires their agreeing on a definition of themselves. The mestizos, on the other hand, do not demonstrate the degree of cohesiveness that the Metis do. They are primarily identified by race and status, with no common history or political figures to bind them. In the 1920s, however, the group was used by the federal government to bridge the differences between European and indigenous peoples. As a result of this effort, the mestizo has become the personification of the national ideal, for a mestizo is neither European nor Indian, but Mexican. This has served to marginalize indigenous populations, many of whom consider the "cult of mestizo" the new form of colonialism in Mexico. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

This thesis compares the educational systems of the United States and of Mexico from their beginnings, and especially notes the progress that Mexico has made since 1920.

This thesis examines the agrarian, ecclesiastical, political, industrial, and educational background of the Mexican Revolution through the eyes of six of Mexico's novelists: Azuela, Lopez y Fuentes, Guzman, Romero, Muñoz, and Campobello.

This study examines in detail the public career of Santos Degollado during the era of the Mexican Reforma, and, because of his central role in national events of that period, the story is presented in the context of a general history of the Reforma. Sources of information were largely primary, including manuscripts and newspapers from Mexican archives. The richest of these were the collection of Degollado's letters at the Instituto de Antropologia e Historia; manuscripts from the Secretaria de Relaciones Exteriores archive, the Archivo Juarez of the Biblioteca Nacional, and the Centro de Estudios de Historia de Mexico; as well as documents from various collections at the University of Texas Latin American Collection. Important published sources included the 36-volume collection edited by Genaro Garcia and the 15 volumes of Benito Juarez papers edited by Jorge L. Tamayo. In seeking to explain and justify aspects of Degollado's conduct and behavior which have heretofore often been characterized as aberrations, this study has suggested some revised interpretation of the role of Benito Juarez in the Reforma. This great Mexican hero of the nineteenth century has long overshadowed the other important figures of the period, including Degollado. This study contends that not only should other Mexicans receive a larger share of credit for the progressive advances made during the Reforma, but also that Juarez should receive less.

Actually the Punitive Expedition did not make much of a change in the relations between

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This dissertation presents data to support the continuity of warfare throughout the Maya lowlands, and adjacent regions. I discuss the current problems with the archaeology of warfare, the continuity of conflict beginning with the Late Preclassic through the Terminal Classic. Additionally, I emphasize the influence that Teotihuacan had during the Early Classic throughout Mesoamerica, while in some areas there is evidence of diplomatic and economic relations, there is also clear evidence of forced relations at other sites. Conflict is identified on the archaeological record through the heterarchical analysis of a variety of data encompassing defensive features, settlement patterns, epigraphy, iconography, and forensic data. I examine data from San Jose Mogote, Monte Alban, Montana, Izapa, Kaminaljuyu, and sites located within the northern, central, and southern lowlands. The primary goal is to present a cohesive series of war-related events per lowland zone, and chronological time period. Some of the primary questions deal with how land use, and economic trade relations transform political relations and alliances throughout time. Additionally, how do changes in political alliances affect trade routes? By recognizing the important role warfare played in the lowlands, we also recognize how these events affected the elites and their interaction with other polities, and most importantly how these events affected the commoner populace. In the process of investigating conflict throughout the Preclassic and the Classic periods, we can attempt to pinpoint continuities, political and economic changes, and the sociopolitical responses undertaken by polities in a time of war. / text

Lazaro Cardenas (1934-1940) did more than any other president to fulfill the goals of the Mexican Revolution of 1910, by nationalizing the oil industry, establishing rural schools, distributing an unprecedented amount of land to peasants, and encouraging the organization of workers. To gain international support for this domestic reform programme, the Cardenas government promoted these accomplishments to other Latin American nations. I argue that Cardenas attempted to attain a leadership position in inter-American relations by virtue of his pursuit of social and economic justice in domestic and foreign policy. I investigate the Cardenas government's projection of a Revolutionary image of Mexico and evaluate its reception in Latin America. In doing so, this dissertation expands the analysis of foreign policy to show that Mexico's relations with its Latin American neighbours were instrumental in shaping its foreign relations. I argue that the intersections between culture and diplomacy were central to this process.