This research explores the visibility of women physicians, specifically in gynecology and obstetrics. It focuses upon their perspectives of gender inequity and sexual harassment within their broader profession and individual daily workplace. This study explores the medical and STEM women’s awareness and understanding of sexual and gender microaggressions within their professions by interviewing six women physicians. I analyze these narratives in relation to the #MeToo movement and how this movement gives visibility to the voices of women across workforces, including medicine, STEM, and other academic areas. This study shows the ongoing need to develop deeper conversations and interventions about women doctors’ experiences with gender discrimination and sexual harassment. This study adds a feminist interdisciplinary discussion of women physicians paving the way for further research across all specialties of medicine where women occupy space. My methods include five telephone and one in-person interviews and review of public statements such as medical professional associations and other public discourses. I analyze the women’s narratives alongside how the #MeToo movement has intervened on behalf of women in medicine. My data showed how the women experienced microaggressions whether they realized it or not. From men in positions of power and written rules within hospitals written by men, women were placed at a disadvantage within the workplace. Further research can be implemented to study the intersectional identities along with gender in medical specialties.

The relationship between stress, trauma, microaggressions, overt violence and life satisfaction has long been established in the literature. This online study sought to identify significant predictors of life satisfaction in a Muslim American sample (N=247) that was 74.5% (N=184) female, 60.7% (N=150) Arab American/Middle Eastern, 21.9% (N=54) Asian American, and 10.5% (N=25) White. The sample had a mean age of 34.21 years with 70% married (N=173). Some 51.4% were born in the U.S. (51.4%, N=127); and, among those not U.S. born, 15.8% reported their country of origin was Egypt (N=39), followed by Palestinian Territories (6.5%, N=16) and Pakistan (5.7%, N=14). And 19.7% (N=49) have lived in the U.S. for 26-30 years. Also, 35.6% (N=88) completed a bachelor’s degree, 64.8% were employed (N=160) and, 31.6% reported an annual household income in the $50,000-$99,000 bracket. This sample’s mean experience of microaggressions was 7.12 (SD=6.649, min=0, max=24) indicating low experience. While the mean exposure to overt acts of violence was 0.71 (SD= 1.457, min=0, max=9), indicating very low exposure. Regarding life satisfaction, 53.5% of the sample indicated a life satisfaction score of 8 or more (N=132). The mean perception to Islamophobia was 4.076, indicating a high ability to perceive Islamophobia. Using backwards stepwise regression, higher life satisfaction was significantly predicted by: being less likely to be depressed in the past year (B=-0.59, p=0.012); older age (B=0.038, p=0.001); better overall health status (B=0.361, p=0.001); better rating of quality of provider (B=0.351, p=0.001); lower perceived stress (B=-0.07, p=0.0); lower stage for coping and responding to Islamophobia (B=-0.17, p=0.025); higher use of “stop unpleasant thoughts” coping style (B=0.129, p=0.007) with R2= 0.584 (adjusted R2= 0.566; 56.6% of variance explained). Quantitative findings were augmented by emergent themes in the qualitative data. Case in point, living in a post-9/11 America and discrimination with subthemes including Islamophobia, acceptability of public discrimination, and destruction of personal property were found to be negatively associated with life satisfaction. Five overarching themes were found to be related to higher life satisfaction and ability to cope: feeling a sense of community, wearing hijab (headscarf for women), religiosity and Islamic identity, work, and financial stability.

The purpose of this study was to explore the different kinds of microaggressions that students of color experienced with white faculty, including the process and outcomes of these interactions. Undergraduate students of color face fewer positive outcomes, in comparison to their white peers, such as increased attrition, lower academic self-efficacy, and feeling less connected to their campus (Tinto, 1975; Cabrera et al., 1999; Rankin & Reason, 2005). The relationship between students and faculty has been shown to have a direct impact on student’s engagement on campus and their academic self-efficacy (Komarraju, Musulkin, & Battacharya, 2010), thus implying that students of color could benefit from strong relationships with faculty. However, faculty are more likely to have lower expectations of minority students, interact with these students less frequently, and depend on racial stereotypes to develop perspectives on students (e.g., Jussim & Harbor, 2005, Trujillo, 1986, Jussim, Eccles, & Madon, 1996). Participants in this study were recruited from a mid-size Midwestern university from university-based organizations and direct contact with students in various campus locations. Experiences with microaggressions were assessed through a short answer survey, in which participants were asked to recount both a negative incident and a positive incident that involved a faculty member committing or responding to a microaggression. A Grounded Theory approach was used to analyze the data. The emergent themes from this study were categorized in terms of type of incident, proximal outcomes, distal outcomes. Relationships were also examined between the events and outcomes. Participants observed that white faculty did commit microaggressions in the classroom, involving stereotyping, dismissing derogatory comments made by other students, and treating participants differently than their white peers. These microaggressions were typically not noticed by the faculty themselves, and students often did not address them with faculty due to the faculty members’ power and influence on participants’ grades. However, participants experienced internal cognitive and emotional reactions that led to them feeling a loss of trust and respect for their faculty and institution. Students who experienced classroom microaggressions also experienced a negative impact on their academic performance, as they were less likely to attend class, participate, and seek out the faculty member for academic help after such incidents. These students also reported some positive experiences with other faculty, such as having discussions around diversity or being encouraged to be successful. Participants who experienced such positive interactions felt a stronger connection to faculty and reported that they were motivated and cared more about their coursework. These findings suggest that the interactions between faculty and students of color have an impact on students’ relationship with faculty and their academic performance, specifically when they are negative, race-related interactions such as microaggressions.

The current study examined the differences in perceptions of three types of microaggressions experienced by African Americans and Latino Americans. Additionally, this study addressed how the coping mechanism of confrontation may be perceived depending on the level of the microaggression. Finally, colorblind attitudes were examined as an individual difference variable in predicting responses to microaggressions. The study used a 2 (target ethnicity: African American and Latino American) x 3 (types of microaggression: microassault, microinsult, and microinvalidation) between subjects design. A sample of 304 White participants was obtained via MTurk. Participants first read a vignette showing an interaction between a White supervisor and a subordinate of color (African American or Latino American). After reading the vignette, participants were asked to complete the Microaggression Perception Scale, a course of action scale to assess their perception of what the target should have done after the microaggressive incident, the Color-Blind Racial Attitude Scale (COBRA), and a demographic survey. The data were analyzed using MANOVA and regression analyses and the results indicated five major findings. First, White participants were found to be able to perceive microaggressions as having occurred as they became more blatant (from microinvalidation to microinsult to microassault). Second, there were no significant differences in their perceptions of the types of microaggression between the African American and Latino American targets. However, they perceived microinvalidation when it occurred for the White target more clearly than they did the microinvalidation for the African American target. Third, color-blind racial attitudes were related to White individuals’ perception of microinsults and microassaults, but not microinvalidation, indicating those who identified more strongly with the colorblind racial attitude were less likely to perceive the microaggression as being biased even when the microaggression was blatant. Fourth, participants also recommended that individuals of color should take more drastic action for microassault and less drastic action for microinvalidation. This suggested that the microassaults were perceived as not acceptable behavior and that these behaviors should be reported in writing to upper administration in the organization. Finally, color-blind racial attitudes moderated the relationship between the perceptions of microinvalidations and microassaults, and the course of action to deal with aggression. Implications of the study are further discussed.

The purpose of this dissertation was to create a psychometrically sound measure of asexual prejudice through microaggressions that can be used to document and identify the unique experiences of asexual people (i.e., those reporting a lack of sexual attraction towards others). Asexual prejudice encompasses anti-asexual beliefs and attitudes that stem from sexual normativity which promotes sexuality as the norm while positioning asexuality as deviant (Carrigan 2011; Chasin, 2011; Flore, 2014; Gupta, 2013). Applying Sue’s (2010) description of microaggressions, asexual microaggressions are conscious and/or unconscious daily occurrences of insults and invalidation that stem from implicit bias against asexual people and asexuality. Development of the scale included creating items with content that was derived from close readings of the literature on asexuality and related measures of discrimination, prejudice or bias as well as expert review for clarity and verifying applicability of content. A total of 738 participants participated on-line and half were randomly assigned to Phase 1 for the Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA) while the other half was assigned to Phase 2 for the Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA). Results of the EFA indicate a 16 item four-factor structure for the AMS that capture expectations of sexuality, denial of legitimacy, harmful visibility, and assumptions of causality as descriptors of the types of microaggressions that occur. The CFA revealed support for the AMS total score with good internal consistency and strong validity as reflected in strong positive relationships with stigma consciousness, collective self-esteem, and another measure of discrimination and bias. Combined, the AMS is a valid and reliable measure of asexual prejudice. Contextualization of these results as well as implications for future research and clinical practice are discussed.

In the literature, researchers have shown that although people tend to express their positive attitudes toward people with disabilities (PWD), their internal reference about PWD is still based on a negative image about disability. Particularly, some scholars have noted that individuals without disabilities have both explicit favorable and implicit unfavorable attitudes toward PWD. Meanwhile, other scholars have commented that although negative implicit attitudes toward PWD are resistant to change, the expressions of such attitudes have become more insidious than before. Such phenomena are called microaggressions and have been explored from the perspective of PWD. However, there is no research currently designed to understand how people without disabilities perceive disability-related microaggressions. The purpose of this study was to apply Q-methodology to investigate perceptions of college students without disabilities regarding microaggressions toward PWD. This study also explored differences in these perceptions in terms of students' close contact experience with PWD, as well as their gender. The research questions include: (1) "How many perceptions are there when college students without disabilities check statements of disability-related microaggressions?" (2) "What are those perceptions?" (3) "Does gender differentiate perceptions of college students without disabilities when they check statements of disability-related microaggressions?" and (4) "Do close contact experiences with PWD differentiate perceptions of college students without disabilities when they check statements of disability-related microaggressions?" This study mainly analyzed 18 participants' data through Q-analysis, qualitative content analysis, and split-plot comparison. The results showed that three unique perceptions existed when participants perceived microaggressions toward PWD. The first perception disclosed participants' support of fact-oriented understanding of PWD (especially individuals who were blind or in a wheelchair), as well as their opposition to inequality toward PWD. The second perception revealed participants' good intention concerning help and strength of PWD (especially individuals who were blind or in a wheelchair), and their disagreement with inequality toward PWD. The third perception indicated participants' intention of helping PWD, assuming their helplessness, and disagreement with inequality toward PWD. Finally, participants' gender and close contact experience with PWD did not differentiate those perceptions. The discussion, limitations and implications of the study results will be presented.

The negative impacts of discriminatory events to the physiological and psychological stress of the recipient has been thoroughly documented. However, there is little to no evidence about the impacts to bystanders of these events, particularly White bystanders. Psychological impacts may emerge through academic achievement, which has implications for educational institutions and their diversity initiatives. This study examined the impact of witnessing discriminatory events on academic achievement, biological markers of distress, and emotional distress. Academic achievement was negatively impacted for participants in the microaggression and blatant racism conditions when compared to a control condition. Study participants also experienced negative emotional impacts. These were evident through a decrease of positive emotion and an increase of negative emotion throughout the study. Counter to the stated hypothesis, biological markers of distress did not demonstrate a negative impact from the discriminatory event. Microaggressions, specifically, were not found to have negative impacts on academic achievement. There were also no differences in the relationship between biological markers of distress and academic achievement among the three conditions. These findings suggest that discriminatory behavior negatively impacts White bystanders emotional state and academic achievement.

The ongoing research concerning African American males enrolled in teacher education programs is essential for a number of reasons. Research specifically addressing preservice teaching, teacher education, and the African American male student is needed to promote the well-being of any school of education. According to McCray, Sindelar, Kilgore, and Neal (2002), colleges of education have addressed the issue of underrepresentation and under population of African American teachers through policy reform and financial support. The narratives of African American male preservice teachers and their perspectives on teacher education may provide a context for other researchers seeking to understand how and why African American males move into the field of education. More importantly, one particular way to enhance and advance the cause of the African American male preservice teacher is to accept a “culturally sensitive practice” (Tillman, 2002, p. 3) and insure epistemological and research practices unfamiliar to many teachers of preservice teachers are approved and embraced. This study is situated in a cultural, racial, and gendered point of view seeking to highlight the individual and shared experiences of three African American male preservice teachers enrolled in a graduate teacher education program. Stabilized through the lens of critical race theory (CRT), the gathering of counter-narratives provided the context to allow the research participants a vehicle to name their own reality.

Supervision of counseling services is a crucial component to professional counselor development (Bernard & Goodyear, 2009). A common and pervasive threat to cross-cultural interpersonal relationships, such as supervision, is the presence of racial microaggressions (Constantine & Sue, 2007). According to Carter (2007) and Helms, Nicholas, and Green (2012), microaggressions are so damaging, that they may even trigger traumatic responses in recipients. The purpose of this study was to examine the relationships among racial microaggressions in supervision, the supervisory working alliance, and traumatic symptomatology in supervisees. This study collected survey data from 86 participants who self-identified as racial, ethnic, or cultural minority group members and who were counselors-in-training, professional counselors, or counselor educators. Data collection included responses to demographic questions, the adapted Experiences of Black Supervisors Scale (EBSS adapted; Barnes, 2011), the Trauma Symptom Check-list 40 (TSC-40; Elliot & Briere, 1992), and the Supervisory Working Alliance Inventory – Trainee Version (SWAI-T; Efstation, Patton, & Kardash, 1990). Bivariate correlations revealed significant relationships among all three of the main variables. The SWAI-T full-scale scores had a moderate negative correlation with the EBSS (adapted) full-scale scores (r = -.637, p < .01) and a moderate negative correlation with the TSC-40 full-scale scores (r = -.372, p < .01). The EBSS (adapted) full-scale scores had a moderate positive correlation with the TSC-40 full-scale scores (r = .513, p < .01). Regression analysis yielded a model whereby 40.6% of the variation in the supervisory alliance can be explained by microaggressions in supervision F (1, 48) = 32.752, p < .01. Hierarchical multiple regression analysis determined that the presence of traumatic experiences does not add to the predictive capacity of the model. The results suggest that the presence of racial microaggressions is an important impediment to the supervisory working alliance. Implications, limitations, and future directions were provided.

The purpose of this study was to examine the interrelationships between daily hassle stressors (i.e., racial microaggressions and college hassle stress), racial identity, perceived stress, and depression among Black/African American college students. It was hypothesized that perceived stress would partially mediate the relationships between daily hassle stressors and depression. Racial identity was hypothesized to moderate the relationship between racial microaggressions and perceived stress. Data were analyzed from a sample of 142 Black/African American college students from a medium sized university in the Midwest. Utilizing EQS, a path analysis was conducted to test the hypothesized model. Findings from the analysis revealed that perceived stress partially mediated the relationship between college hassle stress and depression. Findings also revealed that perceived stress fully mediated the relationship between racial microaggressions and depression. Interestingly, a significant negative relationship was found between racial microaggressions and perceived stress. Racial identity was not a significant moderator in this study. Findings are indicative that Black/African American college students experience race-related stress differently than general daily hassles. Implications for future research, clinical interventions, and social justice initiatives are discussed.