Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Modern society is plagued by an intense conflict of political ideologies. These conflicts in many instances reflect very serious religious overtones. Each person or group claims the right to react to socio-political issues on the basis of their own worldviews that are shaped by their cultural backgrounds, religious belief systems and political ideals. Human diversity serve to complicate matters even more and has in many instances found expression in political and religious intolerance, a fact testified to by the large-scale abuse of human rights that took place with increased intensity in the 20th century. Many Christians have failed to challenge the injustices that have resulted from these political ideologies and have instead opted to become 'apolitical' or simply hiding behind the argument that politics and religion does not mix. The author through a careful study of biblical political structures in the ancient Near East attempts to demonstrate the extent to which political ideologies of communities were influenced by the cultural milieu within which they existed. The feelings of ambivalence we experience in our faith are a direct result of these influences. An understanding of political ideology from a biblical perspective is essential to understand current world conflicts especially those that relate to the Middle East region. The author also argues for a reconciliation of politics and religion in the collective psyche of Christians. This would enhance a sense of sociopolitical responsibility in terms of the biblical mandate. The responsibility of government structures in terms of this mandate is also important and needs to be emphasised. The primary responsibility of any government is the welfare of its citizens and the management of public resources in an orderly, moral and efficient manner. A large percentage of government officials find it extremely difficult to face up to the challenge. The perspectives presented not only gives one insight into the historical development of biblical political worldviews. but presents us with challenges to pursue opportunities for peace and justice that would recognise and advance human dignity, human equality and human responsibility. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die moderne samelewing is oorweldig deur konflikte van politieke ideologies. Hierdie konflikte is in baie gevalle 'n weerspieëling van baie ernstige godsdienstige motiewe. Elke persoon of groep behou hom die reg voor om te reageer op socio-politiese aangeleenthede op grond van 'n eie wêreldsiening wat geskep word deur kulturele agtergronde, godsdienstige geloofsstelsels en politieke ideale. Menslike verskeidenheid maak hierdie aangeleenthede meer ingewikkeld en het in baie gevalle gelei na politieke en godsdienstige onverdraagsaamheid. Dit het verder aanleiding gegee tot die grootskaalse menseregte skendings wat plaasgevind het met groter intensiteit gedurende die 20ste eeu. Vele Christene het nie daarin geslaag om die uitdagings van ongeregtighede, wat voortspruit uit hierdie politieke ideologieë, die hoof te bied nie en het verkies om of hulself as 'apolities' te verklaar of om te argumenteer dat politiek en die godsdiens nie bymekaar hoort nie. Die skrywer, deur 'n indringende studie van bybelse politieke strukture van die ou Nabye Ooste te onderneem, poog om te demonstreer dat politiek ideologies gekleur was deur die kulturele samestelling van die gemeenskap. Gevoelens van ambivalensie wat ons ervaar in ons geloof is regstreeks as gevolg van hierdie omstandighede. Politieke ideologie vanuit 'n bybelse perspektief gee vir ons die geleentheid om huidige wêreldkonflikte beter te verstaan veral dit wat betrekking het op die Midde Ooste streek. Die skrywer stel ook voor die versoening van politiek en die godsdiens in die kollektiewe psige van Christene. As gevolg hiervan word die socio-politiese verantwoordelikheid van die Christen verhef in lyn met die bybelse mandaat. Die verantwoordelikheid van regerings strukture in terme van hierdie mandaat is ook belangrik en behoort beklemtoon word. Die primêre doel van enige regering is die welvaart van sy burgers sowel as die bestuur van sy openbare hulpbronne op 'n ordelike, sedelike en doeltreffende manier. 'n Groot aantal regeringsbeamptes vind dit moeilik om hierdie uitdaging die hoof te bied. Hierdie perspektiewe, wat hier aangebied word, gee nie net vir ons insig tot die historiese ontwikkeling van bybelse politieke wêreldsieninge nie, maar daag ons uit om geleenthede vir vrede en geregtigheid wat menslike waardigheid, menslike gelykheid en menslike verantwoordelikheid erken, na te jag.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study looks at a watershed period in the history of Judaism. In 175 B.C.E. a group of Jews sought to break Judaea out of the isolation in which it had stood since the Persian period. They wished to develop closer ties with their neighbours in Coele-Syria and Phoenicia and the Greek world in general. Since the Persian period the people of Judaea had been governed by high priests according to the 'ancestral laws' i.e. the Torah and its interpretation by Ezra. This 'ancestral law' had been confirmed as binding on all Jews by Antiochus III in his decree of 198 B.C.E. In order to move beyond the restrictions placed on contact between Jews and other peoples, it would be necessary to have the political status of Judaea changed. A change of political status could only be brought about by the king or one of his successors. In 175 B.C.E. a group of Jews requested Antiochus IV to permit them to transform Judaea from an ethnos into a polis. He agreed and the transformation was begun. It is these events of 175 B.C.E. that form the base of this study. The writer uses the model of Cultural Anthropology to form a framework in which these and subsequent events can be analysed. In this way we can get a better understanding of how events progressed. How a political reform ended in a religious suppression and persecution and finally a successful revolt against the Seleucid kingdom. The Torah and its interpretation stood at the center of Jewish life. Each group interpreted the law in their own way and understood events in relation to this interpretation. Therefore no analysis of this period can be undertaken without taking the law and its various interpretations into account. The law is the thread that holds all facets of this work together. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie handeloor 'n tydperk van waterskeiding in die geskiedenis van die Judaïsme. In 175 ve. wou 'n groep Jode in Palestina wegbreek uit die isolasie waarin hulle hulleself bevind het sedert die oorname deur die Persiese ryk. Hulle wou graag nouer bande met hulle buurstate en die Griekse wêreld aanknoop. Sedert die Persiese tydperk is die mense van Juda deur hëepriesters regeer, volgens die 'voorvaderlike wette', dws die Torah en sy vertolking volgens Esra. Alle Jode was gebind deur hierdie 'voorvaderlike wette' deur Antiogus III se dekreet van 198 ve. Indien die mense die beperkings teen kontak met ander volke sou wou ophef, sou dit nodig wees om die politieke status van Juda te verander. Net die koning of een van sy opvolgers kon die politieke status van Juda verander. In 175 ve. word Antiogus IV deur 'n groep Jode gevra om verlof om Jerusalem in 'n Griekse polis te omskep. Hy het ingestem en die omskepping het begin. Hierdie gebeurtenisse van 175 ve. vorm die basis van hierdie studie. Die skrywer gebruik die kutuur-antropologiese teoretiese model as raamwerk vir die ontleding van hierdie en opvolgende gebeurtenisse. Hierdie model stelons in staat om die ontwikkelinge in Juda beter te verstaan en meer spesifiek 'n antwoord op die volgende vraag te kry: "Hoekom het politieke hervorming tot godsdienstige verdrukking en vervolging aanleiding gegee en in die finale instansie tot 'n suksesvolle opstand teen die Seleukied koninkryk gelei?" Die Torah en sy vertolking het die sentrum van die Joodse lewe gevorm. Elke groep in Juda het die 'wet' op sy eie manier vertolk en ontwikkelinge in verband daarmee probeer verstaan. Daarom is dit nie moontlik om hierdie tydperk te bestudeer sonder 'n erkenning van die waarde van die 'wet' en sy verskillende vertolkings nie. Die 'wet' is die goue draad wat hierdie studie byeen hou.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001, le galvaudage intensif du concept d’« islamisme » par les sphères médiatiques et politiques a eu pour effet de catégoriser de manière simpliste et illusoire des phénomènes sociaux très différents de par le monde, dans le registre du terrorisme. Dans ce contexte, le Hezbollah libanais -pourtant chiite et farouchement opposé à Al-Qaïda- a acquis un statut particulier dans la mesure où le Secrétariat d’Etat américain l’a désigné comme la principale menace terroriste dès 2002. Nous proposons ici une recherche casuistique sur le « Parti de Dieu ». Etude longitudinale retraçant l’évolution de ce mouvement milicien devenu parti politique, notre travail vise à mieux cerner ce « fait social » et à situer celui-ci au sein du vaste spectre des islams politiques. Nous synthétisons ici les phases de maturation idéologique que celui-ci a connues depuis son émergence et retraçons l’évolution structurelle de ce parti politique avant tout caractérisé par son projet de « société résistante ». Chacun de ces deux volets (idéologique et structurel) laisse entrevoir les interactions bilatérales qui se sont créées, dans la diachronie, entre le religieux et le politique au sein du Hezbollah, mais illustre surtout la soumission polymorphe de l’un comme de l’autre à la cause inébranlable de la résistance face à Israël. L’élément fondamentalement nouveau que nous apportons à la littérature scientifique spécialisée est une grille d’interprétation du cheminement global d’une grande partie de la communauté chiite du Liban. Celle-ci a pour point de départ le concept -initialement psychologique- de « résilience », et propose la transposition de ce dernier dans le champ sociopolitique. L’analyse qui en découle met en perspective l’« idéologie résiliente » et la « structure résiliente » que le Hezbollah a progressivement développées dans une optique stratégique. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / While the Arab spring succeeded in ousting the long-term dictator led governments from power in many Arab countries, leading the way to a new democratic process to develop in the Arab world, it did not end the old suspicions between Arab Muslims and the West. This research investigates the beginning of the relations between the Arab Muslims and the West as they have developed over time, and then focuses its analysis on perceptions from both sides beginning with 9/11 through the events known as the Arab spring. The framework for analysis is a communication perspective, as embodied in the Coordinated Management of Meaning (CMM). According to CMM, communication can be understood as forms of interactions that both constitute and frame reality. The study posits the analysis that the current Arab Muslim-West divide, is often a conversation that is consistent with what CMM labels as the ethnocentric pattern. This analysis will suggest a new pathway, one that follows the CMM cosmopolitan form, as a more fruitful pattern for the future of Arab Muslim-West relations. This research emphasizes the factors fueling this ethnocentric pattern, in addition to ways of bringing the Islamic world and the West to understand each other with a more cosmopolitan approach, which, among other things, accepts mutual differences while fostering agreements. To reach this core, the study will apply a direct communicative engagement between the Islamic world and the West to foster trusted relations, between the two.