This study focuses on the work strategies of 1989 immigrants who had to move from Bulgaria to Turkey and settled in Ankara. During this immigratio wave, nearly 150,000 people immigrated to Turkey and settled permanently. In this study, the operational definition of the immigrant work strategy is the activities and the attitudes that the immigrants take to find and maintain thier first jobs, immediately after immigration. To learn about the work strategies of the immigrants, I conducted a field research which was based on semi-structured in depth interviews. In my sample, there are fifteen women and fifteen men who have work experience both in Bulgaria and Turkey. During the field research, i asked the respondents questions about their immigration ad settlement processes, their working lives, both in Bulgaria and Turkey and their perceptions about working. Theni to interpret this data, I employ three approaches from the international migration literature: migration system approach, political approach and network aapproach with some important concepts like social capital and work ethic and I tried to connect them with work strategies of the immigrants. As a result of this study, it is suggested that to improve their standards of living, the immigrants developed a work strategy with two main steps: finding a job and maintaining this job. Immigrants follow different patterns in these two steps. While they are trying to find a job, they benefit from existing immigrants&#039 / networks which are products continous immigration waves from Bulgaria to Turkey and Turkish state&#039 / s provisions which are for the accomadation of the immigrants who are privileged in the eyes of the state due to their ethnicity and religion. As a second step of the work strategy, they maintain these jobs with the help of work ethic they gained in Bulgaria and their ignorance about the operation of Turkish labour market. With these characteristics they are distinguished among the non-immigrant workers. The narratives which are widely told by the immigrants and shared by the employers and other employees enviably also emphasize how hardworking they are, how loyal they are to their job, to their employers and to their country and strenthen the immigrants&#039 / position in the labour market.

With this study I aim to understand the role of social networks of migration as very special catalysts of change in the countries of origin of important labor migration streams, particularly in the case of the emergent and second most important system of migration in which Latin Americans participate, i.e. the South European Migration System. I pursue this aim through the means of examining the characteristics and mechanisms of operation of ego – centered social networks of migration that are active within the migration streams from Argentina and Peru to Italy and Spain, therefore: (1) I examine the two different institutional contexts that contribute to the shape of the mentioned social networks of migration in Argentina and Peru; (2) I study the structure of these networks (which comprises characteristics such as size, density, and degree of heterogeneity); their resources and mechanisms of operation ; and (3) I discuss the main possible causal influences that these social networks of migration exert in the countries of origin of the emigration streams I study, namely Argentina and Peru, considering the very specific characteristics these social networks have in each one of the country cases. In order to discuss these causal influences, I examine their impact on children residing in Argentina and Peru who are members of migrant sending households, and I specifically analyze impacts on their living arrangements. I use quantitative and qualitative data on the emigration streams from Argentina and Peru to Italy and Spain which I collected during 2006, 2007 and 2008 , in Buenos Aires (Argentina) and Lima (Peru). Quantitative data was collected using a small household survey targeting relatives of migrants to Spain and Italy, in both cities (Argentina – Italy: n=75, Argentina – Spain: n= 245, Peru – Italy: n= 206, and Peru – Spain: n=398). Qualitative data included expert interviews (n=5 for Peru and n=7 for Argentina); and different types of semi-structured in- depth interviews targeting relatives of migrants to Spain and Italy in different household positions, including children 12 -18 years old (n=11 for Peru, and n=11 for Argentina). / text

No description available.