The comparative experiences of the nineteenth-century British and American Army officer's wives add a central dimension to studies of empire. Sharing their husbands' sense of duty and mission, these women transferred, adopted, and adapted national values and customs, to fashion a new imperial sociability, influencing the course of empire by cutting across and restructuring gender, class, and racial borders. Stationed at isolated stations in British India and the American West, many officers' wives experienced homesickness and disorientation. They reimagined military architecture and connected into the military esprit de corps, to sketch a blueprint of female identity and purpose. On the physical journeys to join their husbands, and post arrival, the feminization of formal and informal military practices produced a new social reality and facilitated the development of an empowered sisterhood that sustained imperialist ambitions. This appropriation of symbols, processes, and rankings facilitated roles as social functionaries and ceremonial performers. Additionally, in utilizing dress, and home decor, military spouses drafted and projected an imperial identity that reflected, yet transformed upper and middle-class gender models. An examination of the social processes of calling and domestic rituals confirms the formation of a distinct and influential imperial female identity. The duty of protecting the social gateway to the imperial community, rested with a hostess?s ability to discriminate ? and convincingly reject parvenus. In focusing on the domestic site it becomes clear that the mistress-servant relationship both formulated and reproduced imperial ideologies. Within the home, the most intimate of inter-racial, inter-ethnic, and inter-class contact zones, the physiological trait of a white skin, and the exhibition of national artifacts signaled identity, status, and authority. Military spouses, then, generated social power as arbiters, promoters, and police officers of an imperial class, reaffirming internal confidence within the Anglo communities, and legitimizing external representations of the power and prestige of empire.

This work analyzes the ecological, physical, emotional and health impacts of the US nuclear testing done in the Marshall Islands in the mid-20th century.

Between 1960 and 1968 the United States conducted intensive psychological operations (PSYOP) in Vietnam. To date, no comprehensive study of the psychological war there has been conducted. This dissertation fills that void, describing the development of American PSYOP forces and their employment in Vietnam. By looking at the complex interplay of American, North Vietnamese, National Liberation Front (NLF) and South Vietnamese propaganda programs, a deeper understanding of these activities and the larger war emerges. The time period covered is important because it comprises the initial introduction of American PSYOP advisory forces and the transition to active participation in the war. It also allows enough time to determine the long-term effects of both the North Vietnamese/NLF and American/South Vietnamese programs. Ending with the 1968 Tet Offensive is fitting because it marks both a major change in the war and the establishment of the 4th Psychological Operations Group to manage the American PSYOP effort. This dissertation challenges the argument that the Northern/Viet Cong program was much more effective that the opposing one. Contrary to common perceptions, the North Vietnamese propaganda increasingly fell on deaf ears in the south by 1968. This study also provides support for understanding the Tet Offensive as a desperate gamble born out of knowledge the tide of war favored the Allies by mid-1967. The trend was solidly towards the government and the NLF increasingly depended on violence to maintain control. The American PSYOP forces went to Vietnam with little knowledge of the history and culture of Vietnam or experience conducting psychological operations in a counterinsurgency. As this dissertation demonstrates, despite these drawbacks, they had considerable success in the period covered. Although facing an experienced enemy in the psychological war, the U.S. forces made great strides in advising, innovating techniques, and developing equipment. I rely extensively on untapped sources such as the Foreign Broadcast Information Service transcripts, Captured Document Exploitation Center files, and access to the U.S. Army Special Operations Command Archives. Additionally, I have digitized databases such as the Hamlet Evaluation System and Terrorist Incident Reporting System for Geographic Information System software analysis. The maps provide examples of the possibilities available to the historian using these datasets.

Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Feb 1, 2010). Includes bibliographical references.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:35:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseTRPGTO.PDF: 1388465 bytes, checksum: f55f0bacc8862ee0a7b3ab5d8e7a607e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2004-12-10 / This study in the educational field displays the results of the bibliographic, documental and field researches. These were studies about the war through the teaching of Military History as this discipline is taught in the Brazilian Armed Forces schools. It highlights the study of war in History classes, the formation of the war leader in Brazil prepares the soldier for his war performance but this educational orientation has proven insufficient because it does not consider characteristics that are specific to the Brazilian military personnel. That s an educational process that focuses the History of War in a positive way and that does not necessarily prepare the officer for his career in the Brazilian society, a society that is not interested in the topic of Defense. That lack of interest can be explained by the fact that Brazil has rarely run any risks of attack against its territory or its sovereignhood. That s why the people find civical or subsidiary military action to be more important than actions of war. The Army schools programs do not approach polemic topics in the Armed Forces trajectroy in the Brazilian society. That s because our forces have never been on a battlefield. They have mostly done territorial defense and administration. Moreover, it has been involved in both social and political issues. Therefore, its educational formation aims for a performance that will not actually take place in Brazil. It s insufficient for the officer in his actual professional life. To prove our theory, we analyze the politics concerning national defense. These politics have existed since 1996 and we ll also see what they say about military performance and its scarce presence in the teaching-learning process. The element that brings about such analysis is the Military History content because it shows that the civilians society keeps getting more and more estranged from defense issues. Next, we present aspects of Military History in the three Brazilian army schools from 1996 through 2004. We also present its specific features in the teachinglearning process, the orientation for a study of war as an educational element in the preparation of an officer and the way this discipline is regarded by education authorities. We also show the way students of the three Brazilian military schools see Military History, a regular part of their formation, and the way they see their own preparation for the military career. Finally, we reflect upon the political and institutional role of the Brazilian Armed Forces, as it is in the National Defense Policy. We also reflect upon the difficulties to build a program that encloses the multiple functions to be performed by a Brazilian military officer nowadays. / O presente trabalho de pesquisa na área de Educação apresenta os resultados da pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e de campo acerca do estudo da guerra por meio do ensino de História Militar ministrado nas Escolas de formação de oficiais das Forças Armadas brasileiras. Ao dar um enfoque privilegiado para o estudo da guerra no ensino de História, a formação do líder guerreiro no Brasil segue a linha de preparo do soldado profissional em seu desempenho na guerra, mas este direcionamento educativo demonstra ser insuficiente, pois não considera os aspectos peculiares dos militares brasileiros, em um processo educacional com enfoque sempre positivo e exemplar no trato da História da guerra, o que não efetiva o preparo de sua oficialidade no exercício profissional vinculado à realidade da sociedade brasileira, na qual não se interessa pelas questões referentes à defesa, já que a nação sofre pouquíssimos riscos contra sua integridade territorial e sua soberania e, por isso, considera mais relevante a atuação dos militares em ações subsidiárias e cívicas do que aquelas relacionadas à prática da guerra. Os programas curriculares das Escolas de formação castrense brasileiras não abordam os conteúdos polêmicos da trajetória das Forças, que não se constituíram em campo de batalha e sim majoritariamente em seu emprego na defesa territorial e na manutenção administrativa das mesmas, além de seu envolvimento nas questões políticas e sociais de ordem interna vinculadas às determinações histórico-sociais de seu país. Portanto, sua formação educacional objetiva um desempenho profissional que, na prática, não se efetiva na realidade brasileira, de maneira utilitária e insuficiente na consolidação do oficial militar em seu desempenho profissional na atual sociedade brasileira. Para demonstrar nossa tese, o trabalho realiza uma análise das políticas públicas concernentes ao sistema de defesa nacional em vigor desde 1996, o que preconizam quanto ao desempenho dos militares na consecução desse sistema e a incipiente presença de suas determinações no processo de ensino-aprendizagem efetivado nas instituições castrenses brasileiras atualmente, cujo elemento provocador da análise é o conteúdo de História Militar ministrado nas mesmas, denotando a existência de um dis- tanciamento da sociedade civil aos temas vinculados à defesa e à organização das Forças militares brasileiras e a decorrente manutenção da autonomia das instituições castrenses, tanto em sua organização quanto na formação educacional de sua liderança. Em seguida, o trabalho apresenta os aspectos vinculados ao ensino de História Militar nas três Escolas de liderança castrenses brasileiras no período de 1996 a 2004, suas especificidades no processo de ensino-aprendizagem, o direcionamento da divulgação de um conhecimento no estudo da guerra enquanto elemento educativo no preparo para o exercício profissional militar e as percepções desse ensino por parte dos agentes educadores em História Militar na formação dos futuros líderes guerreiros das Forças Armadas brasileiras. Apresentamos, também, a maneira como os alunos das três Escolas de formação de oficiais brasileiros compreendem a importância do estudo da guerra em História Militar, efetivado em sua formação, e a percepção de seu preparo para o exercício profissional militar. Finalmente, realizamos uma reflexão do papel políticoinstitucional das Forças Armadas brasileiras, previsto na Política de Defesa Nacional vigente no país, e as dificuldades existentes na constituição de um programa curricular para contemplar as múltiplas funções a serem desempenhadas pelo profissional militar brasileiro na atualidade.

MOREIRA, Luís Gustavo Guerreiro. O Discurso nacionalista dos engenheiros militares. 2008. 102f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Sociologia) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Ciências Sociais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza-CE, 2008. / Submitted by Liliane oliveira (morena.liliane@hotmail.com) on 2011-11-29T11:09:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Luis Gustavo Guerreiro Moreira.pdf: 591296 bytes, checksum: f7b33e2f0e1dcb59aab7200565aef22d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2011-11-29T15:01:25Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Luis Gustavo Guerreiro Moreira.pdf: 591296 bytes, checksum: f7b33e2f0e1dcb59aab7200565aef22d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-11-29T15:01:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Luis Gustavo Guerreiro Moreira.pdf: 591296 bytes, checksum: f7b33e2f0e1dcb59aab7200565aef22d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / This work examines the speech of nationalist military engineers. I take as a starting point the understanding that the nation, reaching as the default community of modern civilization in the last two centuries, boosted the scientific and technological development, taking the figure of military ahead in these advances. Military Engineering incorporates technical and intellectual elite, historically involved in building a modern and sovereign nation. I focus the Instituto Militar de Engenharia (IME) and the institutions before it, which since the 19th century formed engineers and high level technicians in Brazil. I look at the perception of Brazilian nation revealed in the speeches of commanders and generals of this institution. / Este trabalho analisa o discurso nacionalista dos engenheiros militares brasileiros. Tomo como ponto de partida a compreensão de que a nação, ao se firmar como a comunidade padrão da civilização moderna nos últimos dois séculos, impulsionou o desenvolvimento científico e tecnológico, tendo a figura do militar à frente nesses avanços. A Engenharia Militar incorpora uma elite técnica e intelectual, historicamente envolvida na construção de uma nação moderna e soberana. Concentro-me no Instituto Militar de Engenharia (IME) e nas instituições que o precederam, formando desde o século XIX engenheiros e técnicos militares de nível superior no Brasil. Analiso a percepção da nação brasileira revelada no discurso de comandantes e generais que tiveram ligação com esta instituição.

Military Importance Analysis of the Olomouc fortress in the War of the Austrian Succession and the Seven Years' War Jiří Borovský Abstract The thesis focuses on a role played by the city of Olomouc during the War of Austrian Succession (1740-1748) and the Seven Years' War (1756-1763). Between 1741-1742, almost all Moravian territory became an operational space for armies of the Prussian king Friedrich II. The Prussians took the city of Olomouc, too, and made it their most important military and logistic base within the occupied territories. As soon as the War of Austrian Succession was over, the fortress of Olomouc was rebuilt fundamentally: It took a mere decade of an immense building activity and Olomouc became the most modern bastion fortification in the whole Danubian Monarchy. Shortly after the works had been finished in 1758, the Prussians invaded Moravia again in order to seize the city again. The author analyses both Prussian campaigns to Moravia. The thesis mainly deals with the conditions that involved both Austrian and Prussian parties at the beginning of the war. It draws comparison between both armies involved, and between the actual results of the wars, too. In particular, the author focuses on the comparison of the role of the fortress during the two conflicts as well as on the differences...

This dissertation examines the practice of writing military history in conjunction with military theory. It shows that in the pursuit of establishing military theory, military history is often actively distorted and manipulated by military theorists. Those military theorists who, consciously or subconsciously, succumb to this practice are identified here as "theorist-historians". The effect of this manipulation, its implications and consequences for the field of study as a whole are examined, as is the didactic nature of military history in the light of historical accuracy. In conclusion the role and effect of the military theorist~historians are evaluated against those of purely academic historians. The unique didactic needs of military history are also highlighted. Two twentieth century British military theorists, B. H. Liddell Hart and J. F. C. Fuller, were chosen as being representative of the military theorist-historian group. / Political Science / M.A. (International Politics)

This thesis is about ‘military manuals’ produced in the first few centuries of the Roman imperial period. It argues that these texts merit far more attention and appreciation than they have received in the scholarship so far. I will explore areas such as the way in which their authors order and rank Greek and Roman knowledge, engage with ideas about knowledge and power, help construct identity and discuss ethics and behavior. In the first chapter I will determine whether the authors operate within a specific ‘genre’, or ‘genres’, of military writing. Then I will explore how the texts relate to other traditions of technical texts, questions of audience, and finally the issue of their practicality. The second chapter will examine how authors tackle the issue of ‘Greek’ and ‘Roman’ knowledge, categorize, rank and use it for self-promotion. We will see how Roman knowledge is both subverted but also praised, and how Greek knowledge is at the same time placed above Roman knowledge and integrated into a narrative of continuity with it. The third chapter will focus on the use of Greek knowledge in the construction of Roman identity. I will explore how ‘manuals’ play a part in the identity of the Roman Empire, fitting into a picture of unity in diversity, and show how they contribute to Hadrian’s self-presentation. The fourth chapter will examine the ethical component in manuals. I will determine whether there was an ethical code of conduct in battle in the Classical world and whether it was different from general ethical norms. Then, we will examine whether our texts engage in any way with this ‘code’ and whether their individual approaches have anything in common or are fundamentally different.

This thesis examines the role of national defence in British parliamentary politics between 1794 and 1812. It suggests that previous analyses of the late eighteenth-century political milieu insufficiently explore the impact of war on the structure of the state. Work by J.E. Cookson, Linda Colley, J.C.D. Clark, and Paul Langford depicts a decentralised state that had little direct involvement in developing a popular “British” patriotism. Here I argue that the threat of a potential French invasion during the wars against Revolutionary and Napoleonic France provoked a drive for centralisation. Nearly all the defence measures enacted during the period gave the government a much greater degree of control over British manpower and resources. The readiness of successive governments to involve large sections of the nation in the war effort through military service, financial contributions, and appeals to the British “spirit”, resulted in a much more inclusive sense of citizenship in which questions of national participation and political franchise were unlinked. National identity was also affected, and the focus on military defence of the British Isles influenced political attitudes towards the regular army. By 1810, however, the nation was disillusioned by the lengthy struggle with France. The result of lingering political weakness was that attention shifted from national defence onto domestic corruption and venality. The aftermath of the Irish Act of Union, too, demonstrated the limits of attempts to centralise the policy of the whole United Kingdom. Significantly, however, the debates over the relationship between the centre and the localities in the 1830s and 1840s, and the response to a new French invasion threat in the 1850s and 1860s, revived themes addressed during the 1790s and 1800s. The political reaction to the invasion threats between 1794 and 1812 ultimately had more in common with a Victorian state bureaucracy than an eighteenth-century ancien régime.