Thesis (doctoral)-Freie Universität, Berlin. / Includes bibliographical references and index.

This thesis examines how Britain's government and military establishment conceptualised the role of the voluntary Territorial Army (TA) between the World Wars, and explores the relationship with British defence policy during the period. It also evaluates whether or not the TA was capable of carrying out its ascribed role, through a balanced assessment of its organisation, training and military efficiency. It posits that the TA was integral to British defence planning and played a key part in the Army's mobilisation plans, although the priority given to its role shifted throughout the period in accordance with the direction of Britain's strategic focus. Additionally, this thesis will emphasise that the Territorial Army had not one purpose but several. Alongside its central function as the framework for a conscript National Army it held key responsibilities for both home and imperial defence. This thesis examines the TA's role and organisation in a thematic and broadly chronological manner. Part I deals with the TA's expeditionary role and its function as the framework for all future military expansion, as well as its role as a voluntary imperial reserve for any medium scale wars conducted without resorting to conscription. Part II focuses on the Territorial Army's home defence responsibilities, in particular its domestic role in aiding the civil power and its contribution to Britain's increasingly important air defence capabilities.

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p. 1-148 / Submitted by Santiago Fabio (fabio.ssantiago@hotmail.com) on 2013-03-13T18:22:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 5555.pdf: 1390651 bytes, checksum: b2ae710e98b361b350e10db8e376087d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Tatiana Lima(tatianasl@ufba.br) on 2013-03-13T20:01:05Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 5555.pdf: 1390651 bytes, checksum: b2ae710e98b361b350e10db8e376087d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-03-13T20:01:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5555.pdf: 1390651 bytes, checksum: b2ae710e98b361b350e10db8e376087d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / A presente dissertação discorre sobre o trabalho na organização policial militar, a sua natureza e demais significados atribuídos pelo operador do policiamento ostensivo fardado. Objetiva este trabalho verificar a percepção das demandas individuais e a realidade da organização no tocante ao desenvolvimento do trabalho policial, identificando as situações que mostram o grau de envolvimento, identificação e motivação do policial militar para com a sua organização e profissão. Evidenciou-se a percepção de 3 (três) espaços de afetação sobre o desenvolvimento do trabalho policial: a dimensão institucional que estipula o modus político e ideológico de como o ofício de polícia se realiza; o modelo organizacional, que determina através da sua expressão o desenvolvimento pessoal do operador do policiamento ostensivo na sua labuta; e o fator da natureza da profissão, desgastante e manifestamente opressivo. Esta pesquisa baseou-se em um estudo de caso descritivo-analítico realizado em uma unidade da organização Polícia Militar da Bahia, a Quadragésima Sétima Companhia Independente da Polícia Militar da Bahia - 47ª CIPM. Através da utilização do método da amostragem probabilística (amostragem aleatória simples), foram aplicados questionários dentro do universo pesquisado, para fins de conhecimento desse universo e o quanto as respostas obtidas poderiam ser inferidas para o restante da população. Foram analisados os dados obtidos nos questionários, de modo a amparar as hipóteses levantadas. Constatou-se a existência de um desacordo entre o pensamento individual e a ação sistêmica derivada da abordagem organizacional, podendo-se inferir os seus resultados à organização Polícia Militar da Bahia, e, em determinados pontos, estender a interpretação ao próprio Estado, uma vez que as afetações são oriundas de um caráter abrangente e não necessariamente específico como a unidade em análise. / Salvador

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M.A. (National Strategy) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

This dissertation focuses on the local defence-related industry as a beneficiary under the Department of Defence’s defence industrial participation (DIP) programme, managed by Armscor. Attention is given to the main construct of the development theory and how the DIP process in South Africa compares with the international reciprocal trade phenomena commonly referred to as ‘countertrade’. The author does an in-depth analysis of the Government’s policy regarding the defence-related industry (DRI) that forms part of the local defence industrial base (DIB), as well as the DIP policy, procedures and practices and their subsequent bearing on the local defence industry. The study is further substantiated with a comprehensive review of the consequences and outcomes resulting from the largest defence package deal (SDP), signed in December 1999, between the Department of Defence and several major foreign original equipment manufacturers (OEMs) and subsequently benchmarked against academic discourse on the subjects of international countertrade and development theories.

The timeframe of 1978-1984, a period of critical importance in the development of the nuclear world, sets the boundaries for this analysis of Canadian nuclear arms control policy. The situation brought about by increasing hostility between the superpowers, and changes in doctrine and advances in technology that facilitated nuclear war-fighting scenarios, was extremely grave. Therefore it would seem appropriate for Canada, in its traditional role as mediator and middlepower devoted to easing the danger of world conflagration, to have taken an active stand in its nuclear arms control diplomacy. Such was not the case, as bureaucratic politics, cybernetic decision-making, and cognitive dissonance made adherence to the status quo, or minimal rhetorical changes, the order of the day. While that changed towards the end of the period under examination, there remained little substantive modification of policy, despite the growing threat of nuclear disaster. Four examples of Canadian nuclear arms control policy are examined with the aid of official government documents and appropriate commentary from a variety of analysts. Canadian arms control policy at the two United Nations Special Sessions on Disarmament, the controversy over the question of testing the American Air-Launched Cruise Missile in Canada, and Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau's personal peace initiative provide a wealth of information that is used to illustrate the struggle of bureaucratic politics versus rational decision-making. Some of the more influential theoretical and structural difficulties within the foreign policy-making process in Canada that posed real impediments to comprehensive analytical decision-making are presented. These problems are outlined in order to provide a framework for the analysis of the four policy situations. In the first three cases, the decision-making indicates the predominance of the bureaucracy's cybernetic conduct. In the last instance, the attempts of the Prime Minister to impose rational/analytical decision-making on the policy process caused him to actively circumvent the bureaucracy within Canada, but he was bested by external forces. The thesis of this monograph is that Canadian nuclear arms control policy for much of this period was reactive, limited to well-crafted rhetoric, and oblivious to the changing nature of the strategic environment. The reasons for this policy behavior may be traced to external constraints imposed by the dynamics of the international system, the nonrationality of the nuclear world, and the weakness of Canada's influence vis-a-vis the superpowers. As well, the importance of not alienating the United States by too forceful a criticism was an essential consideration in the policy process due to the many issues of contention that already existed between Canada and the United States, and the vulnerability of Canada in economic terms to the negative reactions of its North American neighbour. When the Prime Minister did try to set policy and actively change the nuclear world via his personal peace initiative, the same factors and forces proved to be his undoing. In addition, the reactions on the international scene by some of the more powerful Western players indicate that Canada did not have the credibility to attempt such an influential role in the nuclear world. This response may have been prompted by Canada's minimal defence spending in recent years, or it may well have been the fate of a middlepower trying to exert influence in areas where the other nations were loathe to accept it. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

United States military interventions commonly attempt to generate a post-conflict political order congenial to American national interest, that is, to shape a usable peace. The Clausewitzian imperative, that the use of force must serve policy, points to the strategic significance of the postconflict environment. The civil dimension is the arena where US policy succeeds or fails. This study examines US military doctrine and practice of civil affairs in order to address a strategic problem: how to translate the use of force into a usable peace? Civil affairs or civil military operations cope with civilians during operations, control populations and facilitate US military exit. This study offers theoretical, historical, and policy analysis of US civil affairs. Theoretically, if war is a continuation of policy by other means, civil affairs effect a transition back to a mode of policy. Over time, US doctrine adjusted to different conflict environments and policy imperatives provided by civilian leadership, shifting emphasis to military government, civic action, counterinsurgency, and finally, to peace operations. Because US military culture disdains involvement of soldiers in governance, and in order to expedite transitions, two principles are consistent features of the US approach: civilianization, to transfer authority to civilian agencies; and indirect rule, to nurture friendly indigenous regimes. Civil affairs implements policy. US interventions in the Dominican Republic (1965), Grenada (1983) and Panama (1989) imperfectly translated political goals into military objectives; suffered from inconsistent goals from Washington; and failed to plan adequately for the civil dimension. The study identifies a number of factors that influenced the American approach to civil affairs in these cases, including analogical reasoning behind the US interventions, orientation toward low-intensity conflict at the time of the intervention, the impact of combat operations during interventions, and the availability of local resources for reconstruction after intervention. The civil dimension of military operations has become more prominent in last decade of intervention in internal conflicts, under limited rules of engagement, in the service of humanitarian objectives. As operations have become more multilateral and multi-agency, cultural tensions have become more pronounced. This study provides a basis for further exploration of the fundamental, but increasingly complex strategic imperative for US military forces, to shape a usable peace. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

The importance of party-military relations in the People's Republic of China was succinctly stated by Mao in his dictum that "political power comes from the gun" and "the Party should command the gun." Party-military relations in the PRC have never fully conformed to Mao's warning. This study seeks to analyze the nature and types of party-military relations in the PRC during the post-Mao period and the factors affecting change in these relations.