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How does state capacity affect the state's ability to intervene in events of communal violence? Communal violence is conflict that occurs between two non-state groups that share a communal identity. The state controls the monopoly on the use of force, so it should be expected that the state will control these violent events. Research on intervention has shown that a state's military is an important indication of their ability to intervene. The study of other elements of state capacity such as the bureaucracy and political institutions have been largely ignored as factors to explain intervention. This paper builds on these elements of state capacity to argue that intervention can be explained by the state's military, bureaucracy, and the institutions that are in place. This argument has support from an empirical analysis conducted through replication data in Sub-Saharan Africa from 1989 to 2010.

This dissertation follows a group of American political leaders who wielded power for three decades after the US Civil War. As volunteer officers during the sectional struggle, these figures learned from military professionals and engaged with salient policy issues. After the conflict ended, some former officers relied on their uniformed record to claim public authority through their rhetoric, involvement in commemorative culture, and networks of veterans. These ex-Union and Confederate volunteers won voters’ trust and flooded into public offices. Such individuals, who built postwar careers by emphasizing their voluntary martial service, merit the title of soldier-politicians. Soldier-politicians’ wide-ranging occupancy of state and federal government positions gave them influence over Gilded Age policymaking. Eminent ex-officers used reflections on the Civil War to argue for keeping the US Army small, strengthening state militias, and asserting US leadership in the Western Hemisphere. Powerful former volunteers’ vision for national defense sparked conflicts with West Point-trained career officers, local communities, and even with each other at times. War with Spain in 1898 validated some of the soldier-politicians’ efforts but also revealed significant problems with their concepts, so the group’s power declined in the war’s aftermath. This dissertation brings together evidence from correspondence, diaries, memoirs, speeches, newspapers, legislative records, and other government documents to illuminate the Civil War era. It argues that prominent veterans’ attempts to recall the sectional struggle amounted to much more than “waving the bloody shirt.” It aims to demonstrate that the political influence exercised by a set of leaders with martial experience shaped the development of diplomacy and military policy in the United States. / History

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The official reaction of the Russian Federation and of the People's Republic of China to the announcement made by the United States in December 2001 to abrogate the almost thirty years old Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty has been remarkably weak, given their sustained and coordinated opposition to the deployment of strategic defences against ballistic missiles (BMD). Because the existing literature, particularly balance of power theory, under-explored this puzzle and fails to provide a satisfactory explanation to it, a neoclassical realist model building on structural and unit-level variables is proposed to supplement this caveat. It is argued that Russia, as a stagnant great power experiencing trouble at the domestic level, bandwagons with the United States because it discounts the medium- and long-term threat posed by BMD. China, a rising developmental state, is soft balancing because it resents the project and the threat it poses to its security. It has not hard balanced so far because there is an acknowledgement that this could jeopardize its power base, as the telling example of the USSR collapse illustrated.

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Call number: LD2668 .T4 1985 W32 / Master of Arts