Military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq highlighted a key characteristic of contemporary Western civil- military relations. Today, a small group of volunteers fights a distant conflict while popular familiarity with military service and war declines. There is a disconnect between this way of war and enduring cultural understandings of the appropriate normative relationship between gender (particularly masculinity), military service, and citizenship. This study examines "support the troops" (StT) discourses in the United States and United Kingdom during the "global war on terror" (2001-2010) as a representation of this on-going transformation in gendered/ing civil-military relations. Methodologically, the study employs structured discourse analysis to map an original data set of previously unexamined documents produced by UK and US state and military officials, pro-military non-governmental organizations, peace and anti-war movements, and media. It is the first systematic social scientific study of the "support the troops" phenomenon. The patterns inductively generated within the mapping are interpreted using a poststructural (re)conceptualisation of the military as a discursive structural effect, as well a formal institution and social relation. The study argues that StT is a means of addressing the gendered civilian anxiety that accompanies non-service in wartime. It finds that StT is a political contestation over the appropriate normative structure of gendered civil-military relations. Through the articulation of three ideal-typical, intertwined logics of gendered political obligation, StT discourse reconstitutes military support, rather than military service, as the sine qua non of contemporary normative citizenship. Via a series of gendered associations and contrasts with "the troops", support is further produced as a means of military participation. Correspondingly, ostensibly separate "civil" society is (re)masculinised. Together, the underlying logics of gendered political obligation work to discursively instantiate and (re)produce an idealised vision of the political community, extending and legitimating the transnational liberal social order.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-04-28Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:47:26Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 aguilar_slc_dr_assis_parcial.pdf: 63758 bytes, checksum: 0cf6d488a8b8a55412979a80f6509c27 (MD5) Bitstreams deleted on 2015-06-25T13:00:51Z: aguilar_slc_dr_assis_parcial.pdf,. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2015-06-25T13:03:16Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000596610_20160430.pdf: 55601 bytes, checksum: 07cde3fd20455858a35e08006f3dccb2 (MD5) Bitstreams deleted on 2016-05-04T13:08:33Z: 000596610_20160430.pdf,. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2016-05-04T13:09:35Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000596610.pdf: 1152118 bytes, checksum: 130c2a22e3dee2ff1ad443bab84aa38e (MD5) / A tese apresenta as relações militares que se estabeleceram entre os Estados do Cone Sul (Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, Chile, Paraguai e Uruguai) a partir da década de 1960 com o objetivo de analisar a construção da cooperação no campo da segurança. A análise foi balizada pelos entendimentos que essas relações foram ditadas pelos interesses internos de cada Estado; que a busca pela consecução desses objetivos sofreu a influência de fatores externos (mundial, regional e sub-regional), resultando em períodos de inimizade/amizade, cordialidade/rivalidade, conflito/cooperação; e que o processo de segurança se deu por interações (públicas e privadas, civis e militares) que permitiram alterações nas percepções de ameaças e, por conseguinte, nas práticas de segurança e defesa. Priorizando a representação documental da história e a empiria sobre a teoria e entendendo que a dinâmica de segurança faz com que haja uma interconexão por meio da qual a estabilidade global influencia na estabilidade regional e vice-versa, a análise englobou o sistema internacional, as organizações internacionais, os interesses dos Estados Unidos (EUA) e sua influência nos arranjos regionais de segurança; e os relacionamentos bilaterais e multilaterais dos Estados e os fatores internos que influenciaram o processo. Durante a Guerra Fria, os regimes militares, a estruturação do aparato de defesa dos Estados do Cone Sul e as relações que se estabeleceram entre eles relacionaram-se aos interesses de segurança dos EUA e a concepções geopolíticas próprias. Nesse período, alguns fatores conduziram a momentos de divergências ou rivalidade ao mesmo tempo em que sua lógica permitiu relações amistosas em decorrência da necessidade de preservação dos regimes e da própria segurança continental. Com o reordenamento do sistema pós-Guerra Fria, as tendências regionalistas, as ações das organizações internacionais, os processos de redemocratização e as alterações dos interesses de segurança dos EUA conduziram a relações baseadas na cooperação com o desenvolvimento das chamadas medidas de confiança mútua, a aceitação do conceito multidimensional de segurança e a novos arranjos de cooperação sub-regionais. Nesse quadro, os mecanismos criados entre os Estados do Cone Sul, especialmente no período pós-Guerra Fria, permitiram a configuração de uma rede de cooperação em segurança na sub-região. / The thesis shows the military relations that were established between the states of the Southern Cone (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay) from the 1960s, aiming at analyzing the construction of cooperation in the field of security. The analysis was marked by the understandings that these relations were dictated by the internal interests of each state, the quest for achieving those goals has suffered the influence of external factors (global, regional and sub regional) resulting in periods of enmity/friendship, cordiality/rivalry, conflict/ cooperation, and that the security process was made by interactions (public, private, civil and military) that allowed changes in perceptions of threats and, therefore, in the security and defense practices. Prioritizing the documentary representation of history and empirism above the theory and comprehending that the dynamics of security means that there is an interconnection through which global stability influences on regional stability and vice versa, the analysis included the international system, international organizations, the U.S. interests and their influence on regional security arrangements; and the states’ bilateral and multilateral relations, and internal factors that influenced the process. During the Cold War, the military regimes, the structuring of the apparatus for the Southern Cone’s protection and the relationships established between them related to the security interests of the U.S. and geopolitical designs. In this period, some factors led to moments of disagreements and rivalry, in the same time that your logic allowed friendly relations due to the need for preservation of the military regimes and the continental security. The system redevelopment in the post-Cold War, regionalists trends, the international organizations actions, the redemocratization processes and changes in U.S. security interests have led to relations based on cooperation with the development of so-called confidence building measures, the acceptance of the multidimensional security concept and to new sub-regional cooperation arrangements. In this framework, the mechanisms established by the Southern Cone’s states, especially in the post-Cold War, allowed the setup of network cooperation’s security in the sub-region.

This thesis will investigate the development of civil-military relations in Brazil since the democratization in 1985. The two most important previous studies, by Alfred Stepan and Wendy Hunter, will be presented and discussed. They where published in 1988 and 1997, respectively. There is therefore a need for a study that includes the development during the long period since these two books were published. The focus will be on three indicators, civilianization of government, how the role of the military has been defined, and military expenditures. The conclusions are that there are contradicting tendencies regarding the development of the civil-military relations, and that the strengthening of civilian institutions is paramount in order to consolidate democracy in Brazil.

Popular navalism in nineteenth-century Britain was a natural but not inevitable outcome of the geographical reality of an island nation possessing a large maritime empire. The long-term evolution of democracy and the rapid growth of the mass-circulation press transformed the civil-military relationship in the last decades of the century, leading to a series of naval scares. These were episodes of intense public interest and engagement in naval affairs, manifested through Parliamentary speeches, newspaper and periodical contributions and in private correspondence. Naval historians have emphasized technological and strategic narratives in the modernization of the Royal Navy, and in the process neglected the dramatic political struggles in 1884–94 that provided the vital precondition for naval reform and expansion — money. The relevant question is not whether the naval scares were objectively justified, but how public discourses were employed by individuals and interest groups to transform the naval political economy by creating a ‘blue-water’ strategic common sense that would support the creation of ocean-going battlefleets designed to win and maintain ‘command of the sea.’ A triangular relationship between the Government, the navy and the public, connected largely through the press, rapidly evolved over the course of three naval scares, in 1884, 1888 and 1893. A pro-navy political equilibrium was constructed that raised peacetime naval expenditure to unprecedented heights and laid the foundations for the more widely known reforms of the twentieth-century ‘Fisher Era.’ / Graduate / 2018-08-21

In 1986 Guatemala experienced a transition from authoritarian rule. Many issues affected the democratization process, but I argue that an essential aspect was civil- military relations. Thus, the principal question answered in this thesis is: How have civil-military relations determined the extent and nature of transition towards democracy in Guatemala from 1986-1990? Adopting Alfred Stepan’s model to examine civil-military relations, the prerogatives and contestation of the Guatemalan military were examined. Prerogatives exist when the military assumes the right to control an issue, while contestation involves open articulated conflict with civilian government. High military prerogatives and low contestation indicate a situation of unequal civilian accommodation, where civilians do not effectively control the military. Civil-military relations in Guatemala from 1986-1990 reflect a pattern of unequal civilian accommodation. This illustrates the lack of civilian control over the military and continued military dominance of the political system in Guatemala.

This study is an evaluation of the BAE Systems/SAAB consortium National Industrial Programme project, South African Royal Manufacturers (SARM), which forms part of BAE Systems/SAAB’s National Industrial Participation Programme (NIPP) obligations resulting from their participation in South Africa’s 1998 Strategic Procurement Programme (popularly referred to as the ‘arms deal’). SARM was a gold chain manufacturing plant, located in the Free State mining town of Virginia and which was implemented by the BAE Systems/SAAB consortium in partnership with the Harmony Gold Mining Company. Funding for the business was provided by the BAE Systems/SAAB consortium as part of their industrial participation obligation. This funding was supplemented with a loan obtained from the South African Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) to the value of 40% of the cash funds; while land and buildings, as well as loans in the form of gold granules and bars, were provided by Harmony Gold Company, as part of what they describe as their corporate social responsibility towards the Virginia area where they are the only mining company operating; and also simultaneously as their obligation towards gold beneficiation as required by law. The business failed after less than 12 months of operation amidst allegations of theft of gold and the sudden lay-off of approximately 500 poor black rural women. The company’s liquidation appears to be on the backburner indefinitely. The study was conducted over a period of 18 months, and this thesis written over several more. As part of this evaluation several issues were investigated. These issues are: the push for beneficiation of South African mined metals; the National Industrial Participation Programme; local government development; the BAE Systems/SAAB consortium and other similar companies which are involved in jewellery production for export as part of both the country’s beneficiation drive, as well as the 3 NIPP. These other companies are used in this study as a ‘control’ group against which SARM’s performance can be measured realistically. Different research methods were used during the evaluation, including secondary document reviews, face-to-face and telephonic interviews with key-informants, the use of e-mail to contact key-informants, as well as conducting face-to-face questionnaires with random interviewees, and a focus group discussion with SARM ex-workers. There were several limitations to this study. The primary limitation was the inaccessibility of official and legal documents pertaining to both SARM, and the 1998 arms deal. SARM no longer exists, and thus the evaluation results should be used as lessons learned for similar projects in the future.

The following thesis analyzes why is the democratic rule of law stronger in Uruguay than in Mexico? This work focuses on the state of the democratic rule of law in Mexico and Uruguay. The premise of this thesis is that there is a gap in the literature on causes that have historically made Uruguay the country with the strongest democratic rule of law in Latin America and Mexico one with the weakest democratic rule of law. Historical institutionalism is used to see how the evolution of the sequencing of political regimes as well as the evolution of civil-military relations in the two countries may explain the divergent outcomes. Emphasizing path-dependency, this analysis is conducted using a methodology of process-tracing. This research serves to put forward propositions in the form of a testable hypothesis on the causes that have led Mexico and Uruguay down different paths when it comes to the democratic rule of law. It also serves to fill a gap in the literature as cross-national differences on rule of law in Latin America have not been sufficiently well-explained.

United States military interventions commonly attempt to generate a post-conflict political order congenial to American national interest, that is, to shape a usable peace. The Clausewitzian imperative, that the use of force must serve policy, points to the strategic significance of the postconflict environment. The civil dimension is the arena where US policy succeeds or fails. This study examines US military doctrine and practice of civil affairs in order to address a strategic problem: how to translate the use of force into a usable peace? Civil affairs or civil military operations cope with civilians during operations, control populations and facilitate US military exit. This study offers theoretical, historical, and policy analysis of US civil affairs. Theoretically, if war is a continuation of policy by other means, civil affairs effect a transition back to a mode of policy. Over time, US doctrine adjusted to different conflict environments and policy imperatives provided by civilian leadership, shifting emphasis to military government, civic action, counterinsurgency, and finally, to peace operations. Because US military culture disdains involvement of soldiers in governance, and in order to expedite transitions, two principles are consistent features of the US approach: civilianization, to transfer authority to civilian agencies; and indirect rule, to nurture friendly indigenous regimes. Civil affairs implements policy. US interventions in the Dominican Republic (1965), Grenada (1983) and Panama (1989) imperfectly translated political goals into military objectives; suffered from inconsistent goals from Washington; and failed to plan adequately for the civil dimension. The study identifies a number of factors that influenced the American approach to civil affairs in these cases, including analogical reasoning behind the US interventions, orientation toward low-intensity conflict at the time of the intervention, the impact of combat operations during interventions, and the availability of local resources for reconstruction after intervention. The civil dimension of military operations has become more prominent in last decade of intervention in internal conflicts, under limited rules of engagement, in the service of humanitarian objectives. As operations have become more multilateral and multi-agency, cultural tensions have become more pronounced. This study provides a basis for further exploration of the fundamental, but increasingly complex strategic imperative for US military forces, to shape a usable peace. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

The importance of party-military relations in the People's Republic of China was succinctly stated by Mao in his dictum that "political power comes from the gun" and "the Party should command the gun." Party-military relations in the PRC have never fully conformed to Mao's warning. This study seeks to analyze the nature and types of party-military relations in the PRC during the post-Mao period and the factors affecting change in these relations.

Why do militaries intervene in politics in some countries and not in others? Existing theories of civil-military relations do not adequately explain military politics around the world. This dissertation provides an alternative, political-economy explanation and argues that strength of property rights instituted by a state shapes the degree of civilian supremacy over its military. I show that secure property rights induce efficient allocation of resources and contribute to sustained economic growth, which helps accommodate group interests and increases trust among them. This helps create consensus among individuals and groups on the institutions of the state, which increases the legitimacy of the state and the credibility of its institutions. High levels of legitimacy and credibility of civilian institutions enable the state to make policy decisions independent of the military, thereby reducing the ability of the military to intervene in politics. Secure property rights also constrain the arbitrary behavior of the state to politicize the military and inspire the state to uphold merit-based, professional norms in the armed forces, which prevent spillover of social cleavages into the ranks of the military. This reinforces military professionalism and helps reduce the disposition of the military to intervene in politics. Finally, secure property rights provide incentives to the groups to uphold existing institutions and pursue their interests through the markets. As a result, groups refrain from “knocking on the door” of the military to secure their interests, which reduces the opportunity for the military to intervene in politics.