This study is an evaluation of the BAE Systems/SAAB consortium National Industrial Programme project, South African Royal Manufacturers (SARM), which forms part of BAE Systems/SAAB’s National Industrial Participation Programme (NIPP) obligations resulting from their participation in South Africa’s 1998 Strategic Procurement Programme (popularly referred to as the ‘arms deal’). SARM was a gold chain manufacturing plant, located in the Free State mining town of Virginia and which was implemented by the BAE Systems/SAAB consortium in partnership with the Harmony Gold Mining Company. Funding for the business was provided by the BAE Systems/SAAB consortium as part of their industrial participation obligation. This funding was supplemented with a loan obtained from the South African Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) to the value of 40% of the cash funds; while land and buildings, as well as loans in the form of gold granules and bars, were provided by Harmony Gold Company, as part of what they describe as their corporate social responsibility towards the Virginia area where they are the only mining company operating; and also simultaneously as their obligation towards gold beneficiation as required by law. The business failed after less than 12 months of operation amidst allegations of theft of gold and the sudden lay-off of approximately 500 poor black rural women. The company’s liquidation appears to be on the backburner indefinitely. The study was conducted over a period of 18 months, and this thesis written over several more. As part of this evaluation several issues were investigated. These issues are: the push for beneficiation of South African mined metals; the National Industrial Participation Programme; local government development; the BAE Systems/SAAB consortium and other similar companies which are involved in jewellery production for export as part of both the country’s beneficiation drive, as well as the 3 NIPP. These other companies are used in this study as a ‘control’ group against which SARM’s performance can be measured realistically. Different research methods were used during the evaluation, including secondary document reviews, face-to-face and telephonic interviews with key-informants, the use of e-mail to contact key-informants, as well as conducting face-to-face questionnaires with random interviewees, and a focus group discussion with SARM ex-workers. There were several limitations to this study. The primary limitation was the inaccessibility of official and legal documents pertaining to both SARM, and the 1998 arms deal. SARM no longer exists, and thus the evaluation results should be used as lessons learned for similar projects in the future.

Thesis (DPhil)—-Stellenbosch University, 2008. / This dissertation investigates the role played by France in the supply of military equipment and the transfer of technology to South Africa from 1960. This Franco-South African defence cooperation was opportune for South Africa, as she faced escalating international criticism over the apartheid issue and, from December 1963, the first military embargo, one joined by her erstwhile arms suppliers. The accession of the National Party (NP) to power in South Africa in 1948 brought a range of legislation that gave substance to the nationalist policy of apartheid. The suffering of the South African black population and the refusal of the South African government to revise its domestic policy, despite the growing international pressure, induced the newly-independent, Afro-Asian countries to press the United Nations (UN) to take tougher actions against Pretoria. At the same time opposing Black Nationalist movements, the African National Congress (ANC) the South West African Peoples’ Organisation (SWAPO) and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) adopted militant actions in response to increasingly repressive race legislation in South Africa and South West Africa/Namibia. Furthermore, when in 1961 South Africa left the British Commonwealth, she lost the long-term military commitment from London she had enjoyed for much of the twentieth century. South Africa would now have to satisfy her defence needs elsewhere. Pretoria knew that she needed a strong, well-equipped defence force in order to face the growing internal conflict as well as a possible military onslaught from outside the country. As a result, South Africa faced the first arms embargo in 1963 when her traditional arms suppliers, Britain and the USA elected to observe the voluntary terms of the embargo instituted by the UN. France, at the time under the leadership of General Charles de Gaulle, identified an opportunity to strengthen her relations with South Africa and acquire the much-needed strategic materials for her nuclear programme; he decided to fill the space in the military market vacated by Britain and the USA. From 1964, France became Pretoria’s most important arms supplier, a relationship that lasted throughout the Gaullist administration. De Gaulle’s decision to supply South Africa with French military equipment and the transfer of technological know-how was based mainly on political, military and economic considerations. In short, De Gaulle wanted to free France from a military dependency on the United States, which had come to dominate NATO, and, by extension, Western Europe. Feeling hemmed in by les anglo-saxons, France, facing a shortage of North American uranium for her nuclear programme from 1957, sought new partners to shore up her own strategic vulnerability and ensure a role for her in world politics. Moreover, in the early 1960s, Apartheid had not yet become an electoral issue in France, as it was in Britain and the USA, and, in any case, France herself was drawing negative comment for her actions in the Algerian war of national independence. The logical outcome was a comfortable rapprochement, for the moment at least, between Paris and Pretoria. This military cooperation was broad-fronted and sustained until France implemented her first partial military embargo in 1975 and voted for the UN mandatory arms embargo in 1977. But, by this time, the weapons industry in South Africa, home-grown with French assistance, was well-established and placed South Africa in a position to launch military campaigns against the frontline states, commencing with Operation Savannah in late 1975. This study analyses the content and impact of the military cooperation between Paris and Pretoria and creates a better understanding of political and economic dimensions that were the key in the conduct of Franco-South African defence relations between 1960 and 1990.

Text in Afrikaans / Suid-Afrika het sy diplomatieke bande met Taiwan verbreek en hegte diplomatieke bande met Sjina in 1998 aangeknoop. Hierdie hegte verhouding wat tussen Suid-Afrika en Sjina ontwikkel het, word dikwels deur politici, die media en vakbonde veroordeel as nadelig vir Suid-Afrika. Ten einde hierdie veroordelings te staaf, of te weerlê, is ‘n analise van die politieke, ekonomiese en militêre verhouding tussen Suid-Afrika en Sjina onderneem. Aangesien Suid-Afrika voor 1998 verhoudinge met Taiwan gehandhaaf het, kon die verhouding wat tans tussen Suid-Afrika en Sjina bestaan, vergelyk word met die vorige verhouding met Taiwan. Die verhandeling kon gevolglik tot ’n gevolgtrekking kom rakende die verhouding. / In 1998 South Africa broke off diplomatic ties with Taiwan when it established full relations with China. Since then, South Africa’s ties with China have been frequently criticised by politicians, the media and trade unions as disadvantageous to South Africa. To refute or confirm this perception, an analysis of the political, economic and military ties between South Africa and China has been undertaken. South Africa’s relations with Taiwan prior to 1998 are the basis for the comparison of South Africa’s relations with China. As a result, this dissertation is able to reach a conclusion regarding these ties. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis aims to ascertain the level of success which civil society and state actors have had in dealing with issues of arms control and disarmament in the SADC region during the post- Cold War era. The main research question shall be divided into two key questions, the first being: How successful have states been in managing arms control and disarmament in the SADC region? The second question being: How successful has civil society been in managing arms control and disarmament in the SADC region? The study is therefore an evaluative study and shall be focused on the case study of Mozambique. Two arms control processes shall be evaluated in this regard. First is the “Transforming weapons into Ploughshares” or TAE project which is a civil society campaign aimed at minimizing the harsh impacts that Small Arms and Light Weapons have on Mozambican society. The demarcated time period for this project shall be 1995-2003. Second is state driven operation between South African and Mozambican police aimed at locating and destroying arms caches responsible for fuelling the illicit trade in light arms between the two countries. This project was known as Operation Rachel and shall be evaluated from the period of 1995-2001. Through evaluating these two projects, the study shall seek to make the point that in terms of arms control in post-conflict developing states, there is a role for both state and civil societies. The role of civil society organizations can be seen as one of identifying security threats, raising public awareness and democratizing security issues such as arms control so that society at large becomes active in negating the problem. The role of the state on the other hand is to live up to its duties as the chief provider of security for the designated population within the state’s territorial boundary. Arms control in Mozambique and in the SADC region in general has been mediocre at best since as shall be demonstrated, states are far too weak to offer any meaningful protection to citizens and secondly civil society organizations which have taken it upon themselves to offer this kind of protection are just not well resourced enough to undertake state responsibilities. Thus the key recommendation of this study is that Southern African states invariably need to build up their capacities. Light weapons have spread uncontrollably throughout the region because weak and fractured states could not contain the problem and continue struggling to manage a multitude of security threats. It is therefore up to civil society organizations to build strong societies which can demand stronger state action. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis se doel is om vas te stel tot watter mate die burgerlike samelewing en Staat akteurs sukses behaal het in terme van wapenbeheer en ontwapening in die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelings Gemeenskap (SAOG) streek na die koue oorlog. Die hoof navorsings vraag sal in twee kern vrae verdeel word, Die eerste vraag is: Hoeveel sukses het die burgerlike samelewing in die SAOG streek gehad met die bestuur van wapenbeheer en ontwapening? Die tweede vraag is: hoeveel sukses het Staat akteurs in die SAOG streek gehad met die bestuur van wapenbeheer en ontwapening? Hierdie studie is dus ʼn evaluerende studie en sal op Mosambiek fokus as gevalle-studie. Twee wapenbeheer prosesse sal in hierdie tesis evalueer word. Eerste, is die “Transforming Weapons into Ploughshares” of “TAE” projek wat ʼn burgerlike samelewings veldtog is, wat hom ten doel gestel het om die negatiewe impak van ligte-wapens op Mosambiekse samelewing te verminder. Die afgebakende tydperk vir hierdie studie sal 1995-2003 wees. Die tweede proses is die staat-gedrewe operasie tussen die Suid-Afrikaanse en Mosambiekse polisie. Die doel van hierdie projek was om die wapen-opslagplekke wat verantwoordelik is vir die onwettige handel in wapens tussen die twee lande te identifiseer en dienooreenkomstig te verwoes. Hierdie was bekend as “Operation Rachel” en sal tussen 1995-2001 evalueer word. Duur die evaluering van hierdie twee projekte sal die studie probeer om die punt te maak dat daar ʼn rol is vir beide die burgerlike samelewing en die staat in terme van wapenbeheer in post-konflik, ontwikkelende lande. Die rol van burgerlike samelewing organisasies kan beskou word as die identifisering van bedreigings wat veiligheid en sekuriteit kan raak, om bewustheid te kweek en die demokratisering van veiligheid en sekuriteit kwessies soos wapenbeheer. Die rol van die staat is om hulle plig te vervul as die ‘hoof verskaffer’ van sekuriteit vir die bevolking binne die staat se territoriale grense. Wapenbeheer in Mosambiek en in die SAOG streek in die algemeen was totdusver minder suksesvol gewees, aangesien state heeltemal te swak is om enige betekenisvolle beskerming aan hulle burgers te verleen. Tweedens, het burgerlike samelewings organisasies wat die verantwoordelikheid aangeneem het om beskerming te verleen net nie genoeg hulpbronne om die staat se verantwoordelikhede te vervul nie. Dus, is die kern aanbeveling van hierdie tesis dat Suider-Afrikaanse state hulle bekwaamheid en kapasiteit sal moet versterk. Ligte wapens het onbeheersd dwarsdeur die streek versprei omdat swak state nie oor die kapasiteit beskik om veelvuldige veiligheids en sekuriteits-bedreigings te kan hanteer nie. Dit hang dus van burgerlike samelewingsv organisasies af om sterk samelewings te bou wat op hul beurt kan aandring op sterker staatsoptrede om hierdie kwessies meer daadwerklik aan te spreek.

Text in Afrikaans / Suid-Afrika het sy diplomatieke bande met Taiwan verbreek en hegte diplomatieke bande met Sjina in 1998 aangeknoop. Hierdie hegte verhouding wat tussen Suid-Afrika en Sjina ontwikkel het, word dikwels deur politici, die media en vakbonde veroordeel as nadelig vir Suid-Afrika. Ten einde hierdie veroordelings te staaf, of te weerlê, is ‘n analise van die politieke, ekonomiese en militêre verhouding tussen Suid-Afrika en Sjina onderneem. Aangesien Suid-Afrika voor 1998 verhoudinge met Taiwan gehandhaaf het, kon die verhouding wat tans tussen Suid-Afrika en Sjina bestaan, vergelyk word met die vorige verhouding met Taiwan. Die verhandeling kon gevolglik tot ’n gevolgtrekking kom rakende die verhouding. / In 1998 South Africa broke off diplomatic ties with Taiwan when it established full relations with China. Since then, South Africa’s ties with China have been frequently criticised by politicians, the media and trade unions as disadvantageous to South Africa. To refute or confirm this perception, an analysis of the political, economic and military ties between South Africa and China has been undertaken. South Africa’s relations with Taiwan prior to 1998 are the basis for the comparison of South Africa’s relations with China. As a result, this dissertation is able to reach a conclusion regarding these ties. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

Text in English / The study aims to investigate criminal jurisdiction of the visiting SADC armed forces during peace time focusing only on the Republic of Botswana and the Republic of South Africa. Since the adoption of the Declaration and Treaty of SADC, the armed forces of both Botswana and South Africa at times find themselves on each other’s territory. Once in each other’s territory the question of criminal jurisdiction becomes imperative. The two countries seem not to agree on the content of status of force agreements while cooperating in terms of the SADC Treaty. The contentious point is that the death sentence is still a competent sentence for certain offences under certain circumstances in terms of Botswana laws, whereas in South Africa the death sentence was declared unconstitutional. In the absence of any agreement, South African armed forces may face a death sentence while in Botswana and Botswana authorities might not be able to carry out a death sentence over their members for offences committed while in South Africa. In trying to answer the question of criminal jurisdiction while on each other’s territory during peace time, a study of the evolution of jurisdiction is undertaken. The laws of both countries are considered, especially the application and protection afforded by their respective constitutions. The approach followed by the UN in sending a peace-keeping force to conflict areas is analysed. A micro-comparison of agreements concluded by selected countries, more especially the NATO agreement, is undertaken. Treaties as a source of international law are analysed to show that rights can be extended and be limited by agreement. The study concludes by recommending that concurrent criminal jurisdiction with certain qualification seems to be the accepted norm and compromise amongst the international community, and that the two countries may consider this approach as the basis for such agreement. / Public, Constitutional, & International Law / LL.M

Text in English / The study aims to investigate criminal jurisdiction of the visiting SADC armed forces during peace time focusing only on the Republic of Botswana and the Republic of South Africa. Since the adoption of the Declaration and Treaty of SADC, the armed forces of both Botswana and South Africa at times find themselves on each other’s territory. Once in each other’s territory the question of criminal jurisdiction becomes imperative. The two countries seem not to agree on the content of status of force agreements while cooperating in terms of the SADC Treaty. The contentious point is that the death sentence is still a competent sentence for certain offences under certain circumstances in terms of Botswana laws, whereas in South Africa the death sentence was declared unconstitutional. In the absence of any agreement, South African armed forces may face a death sentence while in Botswana and Botswana authorities might not be able to carry out a death sentence over their members for offences committed while in South Africa. In trying to answer the question of criminal jurisdiction while on each other’s territory during peace time, a study of the evolution of jurisdiction is undertaken. The laws of both countries are considered, especially the application and protection afforded by their respective constitutions. The approach followed by the UN in sending a peace-keeping force to conflict areas is analysed. A micro-comparison of agreements concluded by selected countries, more especially the NATO agreement, is undertaken. Treaties as a source of international law are analysed to show that rights can be extended and be limited by agreement. The study concludes by recommending that concurrent criminal jurisdiction with certain qualification seems to be the accepted norm and compromise amongst the international community, and that the two countries may consider this approach as the basis for such agreement. / Public, Constitutional, and International Law / LL.M