CIMIC er, som et interface mellem den militære styrke og de civile omgivelser, siden ”Balkanmissionerne”blevet en væsentlig del af konceptet for at skabe en effektiv militær indsats i PeaceOperations. CIMIC konceptet, som blev anvendt relativt succesfuldt under ”Balkan-missionerne,vurderes at være det samme, som i dag anvendes i Irak. Men virker dette koncept samtidigt med,at koalitionen er blevet en del af de stridende parter? Virker det samtidigt med, at volden er rettetmod koalitionen? Og virker det i et operationsmiljø som er langt fra at være ”safe and secure” –og hvor kontrollen med de stridende parter må siges at være begrænset?På baggrund af disse spørgsmål har hensigten med denne ”uppsats” været at analysere udvalgtetilfælde af dansk CIMIC, i relation til COIN-operationer for at kunne pege på, hvorvidt danskCIMIC kan siges at have haft den ønskede effekt og dermed understøttet opnåelsen af deoperative målsætninger. Denne opgave skal således ses som et bidrag til en vurdering afCIMIC´s evne som ”Force Multiplier” i COIN-operationer. Opgaven er besvaret gennem atundersøge følgende spørgsmål: Hvad skal der opnås med CIMIC under COIN-operationer?Hvordan kan effekten af CIMIC måles under COIN-operationer? Hvilken effekt kan det siges atdanske CIMIC-enheders indsats har haft under COIN-operationerne i Irak? Er de opnåedeeffekter i overensstemmelse med målsætningerne?Følgende fem analysefaktorer er udledt og har dannet grundlag for, hvorvidt det kan siges omdansk CIMIC har virket i COIN-operationer: (1) Forbedring af hverdagen for befolkningen, (2)samarbejde og koordination med civile organisationer (forbindelsesvirksomhed), gennemførelseaf (3) informationsindhentning, informationsspredning og vurderinger (Situational Awareness),(4) uddannelse i lokale forhold for egne styrker og (5) Force Protection.Resultatet af undersøgelsen er, at CIMIC inden for alle analysefaktorer samlet set har vist, atCIMIC som minimum har haft en moderat effekt. Det er derfor konkluderet, at CIMIC-konceptethar virket i COIN-operationer og at CIMIC dermed har kunnet fungere som en ”ForceMultiplier”. / Since the missions in the Balkans during the 1990´s CIMIC has become a vital part of theconcept of creating effective Peace Operations, by acting as an interface between the militaryforces and the civilian environment. The CIMIC concept being used with relative success duringthe “Balkans-missions” is, in principle, the same concept being used in Iraq today. But does thisconcept work also if the coalition becomes part of the warring parties? Does it work when theviolence is also directed at the coalition? And does it work in an operational environment whichis far from being safe and secure, and with a limited or with no control of the warring factions?Using the above questions as the background, the aim of this paper has been to analyse specificcases of Danish CIMIC related to COIN-operations. This has been done in order to identify towhich extent Danish CIMIC has achieved the desired effects and thereby supported theoperational objectives. This paper can be seen as a contribution to the evaluation of CIMIC as aForce Multiplier in COIN-operations. The paper has been aimed at answering the followingquestions: What is CIMIC to achieve within COIN-operations? How can the effects of CIMICwithin COIN-operations be measured? What are the effects of Danish CIMIC within the COINoperationsin Iraq? Have the desired effects been achieved and thus supported the operationalobjectives?In order to identify to which extent Danish CIMIC has been effective within the COINoperationsin Iraq, the analysis of the paper focuses on the following five distinctive factors: (1)Improvement of the living standards for the local population (2) Co-operation and Co-ordinationwith civilian organizations (Liaison activity), (3) Information gathering, information sharing, andassessments (Situational Awareness), (4) Education of own troops concerning the localenvironment as well as cultural awareness, and finally (5) Force Protection.The analysis of the above mentioned factors shows that CIMIC has had a positive effect withregard to the COIN-operations. The measured effects range from no effect to high effect, with anaverage effect that can be best described as moderate. It is therefore the conclusion of the paperthat the CIMIC concept has worked within the COIN-operations in Iraq, and that it has thusacted as a Force Multiplier. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps. Hylla: Upps. ChP 06-08

This dissertation is aimed at analyzing the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps&rsquo / (IRGC) relationship to politics, which evolved into different forms through the three decades of the revolution. Eventually the IRGC has become one of the most influential organizations with respect to Iranian politics. This situation has raised the following question / why and how has the IRGC become such an influential political actor in post-revolutionary Iranian politics? Considering different forms of the IRGC-politics relationship, this study also questioned the reasons that lay behind the shifts in that relationship. In order to answer these questions, this dissertation examined the relationship between the Revolutionary Guards and the political leadership in post-revolutionary Iran. It maintained that there are four variables that determined the IRGC-politics relationship, which are ideological position of the political leadership, power of the political leadership, ideological outlook of the Revolutionary Guards and corporateness of the Revolutionary Guards. In order to analyze forms of the IRGC-politics relationship and to explain shifts between these forms, it traced these variables through the post-revolutionary history of Iran, which was divided into four periods (i.e. transition, radical, thermidorian, and neo-radical periods) because of the changing political and revolutionary dynamics. It concluded that because corporateness of the IRGC reached into a high level whereas power of the political leadership was seriously weakened in the last two periods, the IRGC&rsquo / s clout significantly increased in Iranian politics. Congruence or incongruence between ideological values of the political leadership and of the IRGC, and their commitment to pursue those values determined the confrontationist or cooperative nature of the IRGC&rsquo / s relations with the political leadership.

美中軍事關係之起伏隨著兩國國家利益、領導人特質、國際情勢等而定。 / The United States-China’s military relationship has undergone uneven developments since 1979. The main theme of this thesis is that the bilateral military relations have been experienced periods of better cooperation, and ones of suspicion and confrontation. The research questions of this thesis are as follows: What are the potential risks and benefits of mil-to-mil relations to the U.S. and China security? What are the obstacles of the two militaries interaction? What is the U.S. and China, respectively, debating over regarding military relations? This thesis focuses primarily upon the relationship of two militaries relevant to interests of their countries, changing international politics and leaders’ perspectives by reviewing crucial historical events. The author attempts to explore the evolution of the U.S.-China military relations, which are influenced by the changing of the international environment, domestic issues, national interests, and the prospective of leaders after the Post Cold War. Also this paper will try to explore the intention of why these potential opponents cooperate. This thesis intends to dig out the mentalities of the leaders on both sides in establishing their military relations. The author would also adopt the Morgenthau’s rational approach (interests in reaching value-maximizing choices), Allison’ bureaucratic politics approach (decision-making of the President with his inner circle of advisors), and Gilpin’s international system (states tend to expand interests as their power grows) to examine the military relations. The framework is illustrated as follows: Chapter one gives the background stories of the bilateral relations, the purpose and methodology of this writings. Chapter two elaborates U.S. interests in China, and U.S. Policies concerning China. Chapter three further explores China interests in U.S., and China policies concerning the U.S. Chapter four describes the U.S.-China military relations since the Carter Administrations. Chapter five explores the U.S. and China views of their military relations. Chapter six lists constraints of U.S.-China military relations, and concludes with findings and conclusion.

Univ., Habil.-Schr.--Rostock, 2004.

This dissertation examines the ways in which military personnel interacted with religion during World War II. It argues that the challenges of wartime service provided the impetus and the opportunity to improvise religious practices, refine religious beliefs amid new challenges, and broaden religious understanding through interaction with those from other traditions. Methodologically, this dissertation moves beyond existing analyses that focus primarily on institutions and their representatives such as military chaplains. Instead, it explores first-person accounts left by men and women who were not part of the chaplain corps and analyzes ways in which non-chaplains engaged religion. The exigencies of war contributed to religious innovation as soldiers and sailors improvised religious practices. Lay leaders sometimes filled in to lead services as chaplains were often not available. Soldiers and sailors also modified individual religious practices such as diet, fasting, and prayer to fit the context of military service. The challenges of wartime service also led troops to refine previously held religious beliefs as well as to adopt new interpretations based on personal experiences. Soldiers and sailors often clung to whatever religious beliefs or practices they saw as potentially beneficial. Finally, religious mixing combined with social dislocation and stress to create an atmosphere in which troops questioned and reformulated their religious identities. As soldiers and sailors formed bonds with those from other traditions, it became more difficult to maintain previous assumptions rooted in suspicion and rumor about other faiths. Understanding how soldiers and sailors interacted with religion in World War II anticipates significant aspects of what many scholars have described as a religious revival in the two decades following the war. It suggests that many veterans returned to civilian life with more confidence in their own religious agency and with sharpened conceptions of what they considered religious essentials.

This thesis evaluates the effects of compulsory military service in South Korea on the political behavior of men from a public policy standpoint. I take an institutional point of view on conscription, in that conscription forces the military to accept individuals with minimal screening. Given the distinct set of values embodied by the military, I hypothesize that the military would need a powerful, comprehensive, and fast program of indoctrination to re-socialize civilians into military uniform, trustable enough to be entrusted with a gun or a confidential document. Based on the existence of such a program and related academic literature, I go on to look at how a military attitude has political implications, especially for the security-environment of the Korean peninsula. Given the ideological nature of the inter-Korean conflict, the South Korean military was biased against the liberals, as liberals were most likely to generate policies supporting conciliatory and cooperative measures towards North Korea, like the removal of U.S. forces from South Korea and the repeal of the National Security Laws that outlaw discussion of communism. For an empirical evaluation, I pose the hypothesis that this political bias would manifest itself in the male public via the military’s indoctrinative program. With data from the Korean General Social Survey, the Public Opinion and Foreign Policy, and the South Korean General Election Panel Study, I have found that males respond acutely to specific security issues in favor or against according to the military’s point of view. However, the evidence for an overall bias on political parties generally was inconclusive. The uncertainty was mainly rooted in the fact that liberal parties have strategically avoided speaking out on specific policy issues during election.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of North Texas, May, 2008. / Title from title page display. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2002. / Cover title. "December 2002." AD-A411 150. Includes bibliographical references. Also available via the World Wide Web.

Thesis (M. A.)--University of Canterbury, 2009. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (p. 199-213). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Thesis (LL.M.)--George Washington University, 2003. / Title from title screen (viewed Sept. 9, 2005). "August 31, 2003." "ADA417077"--URL. Includes bibliographical references. System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Also issued in paper format.