Studien avhandlar civil-militära relationer med en teori sprungen ur kontexten inhemsk militär intervention. Forskningsfältets rådande paradigm utmanas av Rebecca L. Schiffs konkordansteori, vilken här prövas i en kvalitativ fallstudie med två empiriska fall ur den svenska kontexten. Brister i den tidigare tillämpningen av konkordansteorin adresseras genom Sveriges unika kombination av historiska, kulturella och sociala förutsättningar. Fallen representerar nutida ytterligheter av det svenska folkets förtroende för Försvarsmakten – bottennoteringen 2008 respektive toppnoteringen 2017 – och har valts i syfte att undersöka hur teorin kan förklara utvecklingen av de civil-militära relationerna i de aktuella fallen. Studiens resultat visar att konkordansteorin är möjlig att applicera i en svensk nutida kontext och att den bidrar med förklaringskraft till utvecklingen i de civil-militära relationerna, men också att den är generaliserbar till fall som delar dess grundläggande karakteristik. / This study focuses on civil-military relations with a theory originated from the context of domestic military intervention. The prevailing paradigms of the research area are challenged by Rebecca L. Schiff's concordance theory. This theory is tested in a qualitative case study with two empirical cases from a Swedish context. Deficiencies in earlier applications of concordance theory are addressed through Sweden's unique combination of historical, cultural and social conditions. These cases represent contemporary extremes of the public’s confidence in the Swedish Armed Forces. The lowest score in 2008 and the top score in 2017, have been selected with the aim of exploring how the theory can explain the development of civil-military relations in these cases. The findings of this study show that concordance theory is applicable in a Swedish contemporary context. It contributes with explanatory power to the development of civil-military relations and it is also generalizable to cases that share its basic characteristics.

This thesis addresses issues regarding military conscription within the European geographic area. It reflects lengthy and complicated evolution of military conscription, as well as its use case and eventual suspension or abolishment as a military recruitment tool in a post- Cold war Europe up until this day. Thesis also addresses academic and non-academic debate related to conscription and its development, typology, use-cases while it tries to uncover and summarize principal reasons, why was the concept of military conscription abandoned. Furthermore, it tries to evaluate those reasons against the current state of security environment in Europe, compare them and based on that, answer the question whether the relevance of those reasons is still valid or not. Especially in relation to the fact, that some of the countries that abolished conscription in the past, are bringing it back in form of mandatory military or civilian service, contrary to above mentioned reasons. Thesis comes to conclusion, that the relevancy of the issues with conscription from the past are less relevant in current European security environment.

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Resumo: O tema abordado nessa tese corresponde às relações entre os Estados Unidos e América Latina no início do século XXI, tendo como foco os casos de Brasil e Argentina e os temas atinentes à área de Segurança Internacional. As relações interamericanas são marcadas por intensa assimetria de poder, portanto, podem ser enquadradas no âmbito mais geral das dinâmicas entre grandes potências e países periféricos. Todavia, possuem importantes particularidades e entender o desenvolvimento histórico torna-se essencial para explicar as dinâmicas hemisféricas. Embora as relações Estados Unidos-América Latina tenham se desenvolvido com base em um paradigma de clientelismo – de cooperação assimétrica no campo militar – e de dependência econômica – de produção nacional condicionada por decisões externas – esses dois fatores foram questionados em alguns períodos, quando houve busca de autonomia por parte de governos latino-americanos. Considerando-se esse contexto, questiona-se: por que houve, no Brasil e na Argentina, uma retomada dos projetos de autonomia com relação aos Estados Unidos no início do século XXI e como ela expressou-se no campo da segurança internacional? Como hipótese, entende-se que a retomada dos projetos de autonomia foi provocada pelas mudanças nas coalizões politicamente predominantes na Argentina e no Brasil e pelas mudanças no cenário internacional, com o aumento da atuação chinesa na América Latina. Não houve negligência dos EUA em relação à região e, apesar dos desafio... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The thesis’ main subject is the relationship between the United States and Latin America, at the beginning of the 21st century, focusing on the Brazilian and Argentinean cases and security issues. Intense asymmetry of power is the main feature of the Inter-American relations and, therefore, they denote relations between great powers and peripheral countries. Nevertheless, they are also specific, and it is essential to analyze the historical developments to understand the Western Hemisphere international dynamics. The inter-American relations are marked by clientelism – meaning asymmetrical military cooperation - and economic dependency – meaning that the national economies’ dynamics are influenced by external factors. However, this reality was disputed by Latin American governments in different historical conjunctures. Guided by these assumptions, the main question is: why there was, in the Brazilian and Argentina cases, an autonomy project resumption at the beginning of the 21st century and how was it expressed on security issues? As a hypothesis, I argue that the sources of the autonomy projects were the changes in domestic politics and the China inroads in the Western Hemisphere. There was no U.S. negligence towards the region, but the challenges imposed by China were growing, and the United States maintained its capacity to impose costs and incentives to the Latin American governments. Moreover, security cooperation was a source of U.S. influence. The thesis has five chap... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

This graduation thesis is trying to examine the work of the American political scientist Samuel P. Huntington and refers to his contribution to the historical sociology. This work presents the most important theses, sets them into the context, possibly compares them with ideas or works of another social scientists. The first part of the work deals with this author as a person, with his professional life and makes clear a selection of the studies, which forms a skeleton of this thesis. The work is trying to describe concepts, which are in some relation with social change. First of all it means modernization, democratization, civil-military relations, civilizations analysis, multiculturalism, crisis of democracy and crisis of american identity. The work follows the chronology, in which author's books were being out. This is a reason, why the themes are presented in order, in which Huntington was focusing on them. The chronological aspect falls back, when the themes are mentioned by author in another books. The end of the work points out the contribution of Samuel Huntington to the historical sociology and in general adverts to importance of his work. Keywords: civil-military relations, modernization, democratization, civilization, identity, political order, multiculturalism, uni-multipolar system, islam

The diploma paper addresses the issue of civil-military relations in the Turkish Republic, whose nature is one of the obstacles to the democratic consolidation. The aim of the study is to analyze the period from 2002 to the present, in which the Justice and Development Party has launched a new era in the civil-military relations and began working to end the dominant role of the army within the Turkish state and the regime, and its subordination to the civilian and democratic control. The work examines adopted reforms and the current role of the army. It assesses if the Republic of Turkey is closer to the democratic model of the civil-military relations.

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This research examines the establishment and expansion of Hezbollah. It uses a policy perspective in explaining the growth of this organization. Moreover, it focuses on Israel’s disproportionate use of force in Lebanon as a major cause behind the very existence of Hezbollah. The analysis of Israeli policy will be done by examining three separate conflicts as case studies. These events are: the 1982 (Peace for Galilee) invasion of Lebanon that helped to create Hezbollah, the 1996 (Operation Grapes of Wrath) Hezbollah-Israeli conflict which served to bolster Hezbollah in Lebanon, and finally the 2006 Hezbollah-Israeli war which solidified Hezbollah as a military force in the region. The first part of the study analyzes the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon to dismantle PLO bases and the resulting vacuum filled by Hezbollah. In an effort to eliminate Hezbollah, Israel again invaded Lebanon in 1996 allowing Hezbollah to expand its power based in Lebanon by providing a number of services including healthcare, financial services, and construction among others. In 2006, Israel again invaded Lebanon resulting in an increase in weapons shipments and funding to Hezbollah from Syria, Iran and a number of other countries, further increasing danger to Israel. These invasions have served to bolster Hezbollah in Lebanon. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the repercussions of Israeli military invasions in Lebanon

Based on the understanding that Mali and Russia will be unable to contain the jihadist security threat in Mali, this paper explains why France withdrew from Mali in 2022 and why the latter intensified its cooperation with Russia. Existing literature points to operational obstacles and grievances directed towards France’s presence in Mali, however, it falls short of explaining whether these are explanatory for France’s withdrawal, or why France wouldn’t have left earlier considering these hurdles. Through process tracing and historical institutionalism, this paper studies the sequence of events that led up to France’s withdrawal, and whether the grievances against the popular dissatisfaction with the security framework in Mali actually has explanatory power over France’s withdrawal.

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Text in English / The study aims to investigate criminal jurisdiction of the visiting SADC armed forces during peace time focusing only on the Republic of Botswana and the Republic of South Africa. Since the adoption of the Declaration and Treaty of SADC, the armed forces of both Botswana and South Africa at times find themselves on each other’s territory. Once in each other’s territory the question of criminal jurisdiction becomes imperative. The two countries seem not to agree on the content of status of force agreements while cooperating in terms of the SADC Treaty. The contentious point is that the death sentence is still a competent sentence for certain offences under certain circumstances in terms of Botswana laws, whereas in South Africa the death sentence was declared unconstitutional. In the absence of any agreement, South African armed forces may face a death sentence while in Botswana and Botswana authorities might not be able to carry out a death sentence over their members for offences committed while in South Africa. In trying to answer the question of criminal jurisdiction while on each other’s territory during peace time, a study of the evolution of jurisdiction is undertaken. The laws of both countries are considered, especially the application and protection afforded by their respective constitutions. The approach followed by the UN in sending a peace-keeping force to conflict areas is analysed. A micro-comparison of agreements concluded by selected countries, more especially the NATO agreement, is undertaken. Treaties as a source of international law are analysed to show that rights can be extended and be limited by agreement. The study concludes by recommending that concurrent criminal jurisdiction with certain qualification seems to be the accepted norm and compromise amongst the international community, and that the two countries may consider this approach as the basis for such agreement. / Public, Constitutional, & International Law / LL.M