This thesis argues among other things, That the concept of jihad, which represents a form of striving and endeavour-often misinterpreted in the literature as 'holy war'- is rooted in the Qur'anic ideals and interpretations (ijtihad). However it can be extremely variable when 'applied' to Muslim societies in the course of history. Thus for example, the Greater and Lesser Jihads might be subject to a number of different interpretations when applied to Muslim societies deriving from a (a) historical experiences and/or circumstances; (b) theological or philosophical debates; (c) differing religio-political elite formations; and (d)strategic assesments of threats and/or dangers to Islam. We demonstrate the multifaceted and variable characteristics of jihad through the use of a 'Jihadist Wheel'. In the case of modern jihadist organizations, which we examine, reference to the Qur'an as a source of ideological guidance and inspiration has sometimes given way to what is referred to in the literature as a 'strategic' assesment of the realities confronting Islam. Often, as the case of Iraq, this might lead to excessive violence and accusations of Islamic terrorism. From an analytical standpoint this thesis argues that 'jihadism' and 'terrorism' are two differnt construct in terms of motivation and goals. However the variability of the jihadist concept when applied by Muslims under varying conflictual circumstances (i.e. threats and/or response) can sometimes add to confusion surrounding the meaning of the term and of course its identification with 'holy war' or 'terrorism'. It is hoped that this thesis will at least add some light to the current debate in the literature over the anatomy of jihadism, whils seeking to provide an analytical framework for the identification and application of different forms of jihad based on the Qur'anic exegesis.

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This thesis explores the ideological foundations of three jihadist organizations, Hizbullah, al-Qaeda, and Islamic State (IS). All three are categorized as international terrorist organizations but their goals differ. Hizbullah seeks to alter the government within Lebanon, al-Qaeda seeks to eliminate Western influences in Muslim inhabited territories, and IS seeks to create a caliphate within a large portion of the Middle East. The similarities and differences of these three organizations will be illuminated through this examination. The primary focus of the examination focuses on their religious teachings and discourse, as this is a critical aspect of their ideologies. Through this examination, the differences in discourse coinciding with the differing goals of each organization is presented. The discourse of each organization facilitates their goals, recruitment of fighters, and explanation of their actions. Self/other identification is a commonality of all three ideologies but the identification of the other is different according to each organizations goals. This thesis will highlight this aspect and allow for further discussion of the three organizations in future research. The conclusion will allow for discussion as to who gains and maintains power and whether religion is a base or merely a tool for this power. / Master of Arts

Les récentes attaques terroristes fomentées par l’État islamique ont conduit des scientifiques et des experts à examiner le phénomène de l’idéologie et la radicalisation jihadistes. L’attention des chercheurs a porté principalement sur les raisons psychosociologiques qui peuvent amener un individu à adhérer à l’idéologie jihadiste (Khosrokhavar, 2014). Plusieurs études ont été menées également sur les stratégies adoptées par Daesh pour diffuser sa propagande sur internet (Rogan, 2006). Dans une « guerre argumentative » (Angenot, 2008) qui se base sur le langage, les émotions jouent un rôle crucial (Lombardi, 2015). Cette recherche vise à étudier non pas les stratégies de diffusion du discours jihadiste, mais à examiner le discours-même et, plus particulièrement, les stratégies rhétoriques que Daesh adopte aussi bien pour menacer son ennemi que pour fasciner ses sympathisants. De même, cette étude a pour objectif d’analyser le discours que le gouvernement français et l’Union Européenne ont produit afin de contrer la radicalisation jihadiste. En examinant à la fois le discours jihadiste et le contre-discours, cette recherche se propose de comparer les stratégies discursives qui caractérisent ces deux discours.L’analyse a été menée sur les deux revues diffusées par Daesh sur le web : Dabiq, publiée en anglais, et Dar al-Islam, publiée en français. En ce qui concerne le contre-discours, le corpus a été constitué à partir des articles publiés en ligne par le gouvernement français et l’Union Européenne sur les sites dédiés à la lutte contre la radicalisation jihadiste. Une approche quanti-qualitative a été adoptée afin d’identifier les caractéristiques générales et les spécificités de chaque corpus. Une analyse quantitative a été menée avec les logiciels Tropes et Iramuteq. Les résultats issus de cette analyse ont constitué le point de départ pour une étude qualitative, qui a permis d’identifier et d’étudier des éléments qui seraient passés inaperçus avec une étude uniquement quantitative. En outre, les logiciels Iramuteq et R ont été employés pour mener une analyse statistique et textuelle des différents corpus.Cette recherche a révélé des différences entre le discours jihadiste et le contre-discours, ainsi qu’entre le discours anglophone et le discours francophone. Contrairement au discours jihadiste anglophone, focalisé sur la communauté musulmane, le discours jihadiste francophone se focalise sur l’ennemi. Cette étude propose donc une description linguistique des émotions et des stratégies rhétoriques du discours jihadiste. Cette caractérisation discursive débouche sur des critères d’identification de la radicalisation sur le web et sur des préconisations concernant les types de messages les plus susceptibles de contrer la radicalisation jihadiste. / The recent terrorist attacks by the Islamic State in Western Europe have led researchers and experts to investigate the phenomenon of jihadist radicalisation. To date, research has tended to focus on the psycho-sociological reasons that may lead an individual to adhere to jihadist ideology and, sometimes, to act in the name of this ideology (Khosrokhavar, 2014). Different studies have also been conducted on the strategies adopted by Daesh to spread its propaganda on the Internet (Rogan, 2006). In an “argumentative war” (Angenot, 2008), that is, a war based on language, emotions play a crucial role (Lombardi, 2015).This study does not aim at studying the strategies adopted to spread the jihadist discourse. Rather, its goal is to examine the jihadist discourse itself and, more precisely, the rhetorical strategies adopted by Daesh to both threaten its enemy and fascinate its sympathisers. This dissertation also aims at analysing the discourse produced by both the French government and the European Union to counter jihadist radicalisation. By examining both jihadist discourse and counter-narrative, this study aims at comparing the discursive strategies characterising these two discourses.As far as the jihadist discourse is concerned, the study was conducted on the basis of two magazines released by Daesh on the Internet: Dabiq, published in English, and Dar al-Islam, published in French. As for the counter-narrative, the corpus consisted of the articles published online by both the French government and the European Union.A double quanti-qualitative approach was adopted in order to identify both the general features and the specificities of the different sub-corpora. A first quantitative analysis was conducted with the software Tropes and Iramuteq. The results obtained constituted the starting point for a qualitative study that allowed identifying and examining different features that might otherwise have gone unnoticed. Furthermore, the software Iramuteq and R were used to conduct a statistical and textual analysis in order to compare the different sub-corpora.This study revealed that the different discourses differ both in terms of content and form. Contrary to the English jihadist discourse, which focuses on the Muslim community as well as on the way a good Muslim should behave, the French jihadist discourse seems to focus on the enemy as well as on the violent action to take against them.

Terrorists use cyberspace and social media technology to create fear and spread violent ideologies, which pose a significant threat to public security. Researchers have documented the importance of the application of law and regulation in dealing with the criminal activities perpetrated through the aid of computers in cyberspace. Using routine activity theory, this study assessed the effectiveness of technological approaches to mitigating the expansion and organization of terrorism in cyberspace. The study aligned with the purpose area analysis objective of classifying and assessing potential terrorist threats to preempt and mitigate the attacks. Data collection included document content analysis of the open-source documents, government threat assessments, legislation, policy papers, and peer-reviewed academic literature and semistructured interviews with fifteen security experts in Nigeria. Yin's recommended analysis process of iterative and repetitive review of materials was applied to the documents analysis, including interviews of key public and private sector individuals to identify key themes on Nigeria's current effort to secure the nation's cyberspace. The key findings were that the new generation of terrorists who are more technological savvy are growing, cybersecurity technologies are effective and quicker tools, and bilateral/multilateral cooperation is essential to combat the expansion of terrorism in cyberspace. The implementation of recommendations from this study will improve the security in cyberspace, thereby contributing to positive social change. The data provided may be useful to stakeholders responsible for national security, counterterrorism, law enforcement on the choice of cybersecurity technologies to confront terrorist expansion, and organization in cyberspace.

The thesis focuses on the current Malian situation, that observed a severe penetration of jihadist groups (transnational agents), and attempts to understand this phenomenon in accordance with a theoretical framework that accounts for the crisis of the concept of Westphalian state in contemporary international panorama. The analysis is structured on two levels, investigating the structural issues and the political and social mutations, both on the regional and on the state dimension.

Le Mali est apparu pendant longtemps comme un ‘’bon élève’’, un modèle de démocratie du continent africain. Sa société, avant l’éclatement de la crise de 2012, se caractérisait par une vie religieuse exempte de violences, réunissant harmonieusement les diverses tendances doctrinales (musulmans orthodoxes, hérétiques et non-musulmans). A la faveur de la crise, la segmentation de l’islam malien, bien que s’étant auparavant pacifiquement exercée, s’est manifestée sous une violence inédite, par les armes. À la fois révélateur des limites de la démocratie, d’un dépérissement de l’Etat, de maux sociaux/sociétaux critiques, d’importants dysfonctionnements dans le mode de gouvernance, la crise de 2012 a également dévoilé de nouveaux types de rapports liant la sphère islamique au domaine politique malien. Ces rapports sont dominés par l’omniprésence, l’influence islamique dans la sphère politique. Les mouvements religieux tirent cette influence de leur capacité à exprimer et à produire du politique, combinée à leur solide ancrage auprès des populations, au travers d’œuvres sociales considérables. Cette dynamique islamique dans l’espace public politique malien sera très vite exploitée par les élites politiques, faisant des élites musulmanes des partenaires, notamment en périodes électorales. / Long appeared as a ‘’good student’’ of African continent, as a model of democracy – with a religious life free of violence, which blends harmoniously orthodox religious, heretics and non-Muslims – the year 2012 marked a turning point in the history of Mali. Thanks to the crisis, the segmentation of Malian Islam, although having peacefully exercised previously, will manifest in an unprecedented violence, with arms. Revealing, both, the limits of democracy, the withering away of the state, some critical social ills, significant shortcomings in the governance, the crisis of the year 2012 also unveiled new types of connections, linking the Islamic sphere to the politic. These links are dominated by the omnipresence, Islamic influence in the political sphere. Religious movements derive their influence from their ability to express and produce policy, combined with their strong anchor near to the population, through significant social works. This Islamic dynamic in the Malian political public space, will be exploited by the political elites, making Muslim elites partners, particularly in election periods.

The aim of this thesis was to find out what role psychological and social factors play in the motivation of jihadist foreign fighters to leave for Syria. The sub-questions examine, on the one hand, how authors of the studies focused on motivation of foreign fighters work with the theoretical background and concepts related to the psychosocial sphere, their interpretation of the key concepts and motivation of foreign fighters and, on the other hand, what psychosocial motivation to leave for Syria prevails in existing studies. In order to answer these questions, I chose several theoretical models of radicalization that work mainly with the psychological and social dimension of the problem.Subsequently, I chose several main psychosocial categories and narratives to analyse the studies, with the possibility of new categories occurring. I was particularly interested in existential motivation such as search for meaning or the identity crisis, in the case of jihadists also connected with the ideology and the influence of social groups. Based on the analysis, I found out that the theoretical basis, the specific definitions of individual key concepts and the logic of the interpretation of the respondents' words in the majority of the studies are missing or not fully described. Without the proper definition...

Based on the understanding that Mali and Russia will be unable to contain the jihadist security threat in Mali, this paper explains why France withdrew from Mali in 2022 and why the latter intensified its cooperation with Russia. Existing literature points to operational obstacles and grievances directed towards France’s presence in Mali, however, it falls short of explaining whether these are explanatory for France’s withdrawal, or why France wouldn’t have left earlier considering these hurdles. Through process tracing and historical institutionalism, this paper studies the sequence of events that led up to France’s withdrawal, and whether the grievances against the popular dissatisfaction with the security framework in Mali actually has explanatory power over France’s withdrawal.