Le Code civil français a exercé une influence considérable sur la codification civile congolaise. En 1895, par le biais de la colonisation, les Belges avaient importé au Congo le Code Napoléon qu’ils avaient eux-mêmes hérité des conquêtes de l’Empereur français. Le système juridique congolais qui jadis était basé sur le droit coutumier non écrit, fait de multiples coutumes et mœurs locales, s’était alors doté d’un Code rationnalisé calqué sur le modèle français. Après l’indépendance, le pouvoir politique congolais avait voulu remplacer le Code colonial qui était non seulement lacunaire mais surtout inadapté à la mentalité et aux traditions congolaises. Les travaux législatifs engagés notamment sur la partie relative aux droits des personnes et de la famille ont requis le recours à l’authenticité congolaise… En 1987, le législateur congolais a édicté la loi portant le Code de la famille. Ce Code qui pourtant prônait la rupture avec l’ancien Code colonial ne s’est-il pas finalement aligné sur ce même modèle contesté ? Quel choix le législateur congolais a-t-il fait entre tradition et modernité ? Quelles sont les principales nouveautés de ce Code ? Quelles critiques en a-t-on fait ? Aujourd’hui, 20 ans après son élaboration, le vieillissement du Code de la famille ne nécessite-il pas une recodification ? / The French Law has exercised significant influence on Congolese codifications; the most outstanding example is no doubt civil codifications. In reality, the Congolese legal system once based on the unwritten customary law made on multiple customs and community behaviours received through the Belgian colonization, with some adjustments, the Napoleonic Code that the Belgium has therefore received from Napoleonic conquests. This Code is also always applied in Belgium. But after the Congolese’s national independence, political power had wanted to replace the colonial Code which was the mentality and Congolese customs but still incomplete. Furthermore, the legislative work initiated on the part relating to the rights of persons and the family, which led to performing in 1987 of the Family Code, had advocated the use of the right traditional (authenticity). However, apart from the integration of a few customary institutions, this new Congolese Code is the modern fundamental (imperative of development). In fact, it renewed and even amplified the French law that associated others European rights and African postcolonial. But today, this Code has definitely aged; what might therefore be the best remedies to more valuable ? _______________________________________________________________________________________

Le droit de la famille s’est contractualisé et laisse aujourd’hui de larges espaces pouvant être régis par les seules volontés individuelles. Néanmoins, le mariage étant un acte très important, la loi prévoit que l’État se devait d’agir toujours en cette matière. La dimension institutionnelle du mariage traduit le contrôle exercé sur le mariage et sur la famille, par le ministère public.Depuis 2004 le Ministère public marocain occupe en droit de la famille la qualité de partie principale. Il peut déclencher toute action afin d’appliquer les dispositions du Code de la famille. L’observateur extérieur ne pouvait que louer pareille réforme, toutefois tout en ayant cette audace manifeste les dispositions concernant le Ministère public en matière familiale restent contradictoires. L’article 3 du Code de la famille et l’article 9 du Code de procédure civile, deux textes promulgués le même jour, sont antinomiques.Force est de constater que le mariage et le ministère public, partie principale suscite de multiples questions. De façon plus générale, quel est l’état actuel de ces deux institutions et comment évoluent - elles? C’est précisément à cette interrogation que notre travail a pour vocation de répondre. Pour mener à bien notre étude, il était utile de s’intéresser aux solutions consacrées par le droit français, lorsque ce dernier a été confronté à des questions identiques à celles que connaît le droit marocain actuellement. / The family law has been contracted, and is giving more importance to individual wills. Since marriage is a very important act, the state always has to intervene in this subject. The institutional dimension of marriage reflects the controlover marriage and family matters from the public prosecutor. Since 2004, the public prosecutor represents one of the most important parties in Moroccan family law. He can take anyaction to reinforce the provisions of the Family law. The external observer could only be pleased by such a reform. However the provisions of the family law remain contradictory. Article 3 of the Family Code, and the Article 9 of the Civil Code Procedure, promulgated two texts on the same day that are contradictory. It is clear that marriage and public prosecutor raise many questions. Generally, what is the current status of these two institutions and how do they progress? this question is precisely what our work aims to answer. To carry out our study, it was important to focus on the solutions founded by French law, when it faced issues similar to those that Moroccan lawis currently dealing with.

My thesis maps a genealogy of patriarchal structures that underpin Algerian history, culture, and institutions between the war of independence and the 1991-2001 civil war. More specifically, I contextualize the ways in which patriarchal lineages and origin stories—and thus the symbolic and structural promises of the family—underpin political struggle. In mapping these symbolic lineages found at work in the promise of independence, and the ways in which they underpin political struggle, I demonstrate how the war of independence reified and redefined familial and patriarchal kinships within political and social structures. I suggest that historical and social conditionings found at work at these different historical moments have legitimated, to a certain extent, the domination over women and a normalization of violence against them. My thesis examines social and political discourses at four central moments in Algerian history. Firstly, in the constructions of the Algerian nation-state post independence in 1962; secondly, in the Islamic Renaissance of the 1980s and the creation of the Family Code; and in a third moment, I draw connections between the Family Code, violent political clashes of 1990s and the civil war that ensued. Finally, I analyze laws and discourses created after the civil war and the resistance movements that have continuously contested power and oppression throughout these different periods. / Thesis (Master, Gender Studies) -- Queen's University, 2014-01-30 10:39:01.867

Le Mali est apparu pendant longtemps comme un ‘’bon élève’’, un modèle de démocratie du continent africain. Sa société, avant l’éclatement de la crise de 2012, se caractérisait par une vie religieuse exempte de violences, réunissant harmonieusement les diverses tendances doctrinales (musulmans orthodoxes, hérétiques et non-musulmans). A la faveur de la crise, la segmentation de l’islam malien, bien que s’étant auparavant pacifiquement exercée, s’est manifestée sous une violence inédite, par les armes. À la fois révélateur des limites de la démocratie, d’un dépérissement de l’Etat, de maux sociaux/sociétaux critiques, d’importants dysfonctionnements dans le mode de gouvernance, la crise de 2012 a également dévoilé de nouveaux types de rapports liant la sphère islamique au domaine politique malien. Ces rapports sont dominés par l’omniprésence, l’influence islamique dans la sphère politique. Les mouvements religieux tirent cette influence de leur capacité à exprimer et à produire du politique, combinée à leur solide ancrage auprès des populations, au travers d’œuvres sociales considérables. Cette dynamique islamique dans l’espace public politique malien sera très vite exploitée par les élites politiques, faisant des élites musulmanes des partenaires, notamment en périodes électorales. / Long appeared as a ‘’good student’’ of African continent, as a model of democracy – with a religious life free of violence, which blends harmoniously orthodox religious, heretics and non-Muslims – the year 2012 marked a turning point in the history of Mali. Thanks to the crisis, the segmentation of Malian Islam, although having peacefully exercised previously, will manifest in an unprecedented violence, with arms. Revealing, both, the limits of democracy, the withering away of the state, some critical social ills, significant shortcomings in the governance, the crisis of the year 2012 also unveiled new types of connections, linking the Islamic sphere to the politic. These links are dominated by the omnipresence, Islamic influence in the political sphere. Religious movements derive their influence from their ability to express and produce policy, combined with their strong anchor near to the population, through significant social works. This Islamic dynamic in the Malian political public space, will be exploited by the political elites, making Muslim elites partners, particularly in election periods.

This paper takes a critical stance to the conventional thinking about the relationship between Islam and gender equality in a functional idea analysis on the family codes in Algeria and Tunisia. With two different outcomes in spite of their historical and cultural similarities, this paper seeks to understand the developments from neo-colonial and Islamic feminist perspectives. The analysis investigates three variables brought from these theories: militarization, anti-westernism and Islamic law interpretation, and their possible effect on the shaping of the family code. By applying them to the historical, cultural and social contexts of the countries and comparing them to each other, the conclusion is made that all of the variables could be used to understand the family code-outcomes. This results in a hypothesized causal mechanism which can be tested on other muslim states, when seeking to understand differences in institutionalized gender equality around the world.

La réception de la polygamie et de la répudiation par l’ordre juridique international français a connu une évolution fluctuant entre la tolérance et le rejet. Nous plaçant dans le cadre particulier des relations franco-marocaines, nous avons cherché à vérifier dans quelle mesure la réforme de ces deux institutions, introduite au Maroc par le nouveau Code de la famille, pouvait leur assurer un meilleur accueil. Mais au préalable, nous avons jugé utile de passer en revue leur histoire et leur évolution dans le cadre du droit marocain. Ensuite, nous avons examiné le parcours difficile de leur " immigration " en France, les différents bouleversements jurisprudentiels qu’elles ont subis et l’intervention de plus en plus sévère de l’ordre public prenant désormais appui sur le respect des droits fondamentaux tel que dicté par la CEDH. Loin de résorber tous les différends en la matière, la Convention franco-marocaine du 10 août 1981 a révélé ses insuffisances et ses limites. L’ambition de ce travail fut alors de proposer quelques solutions inspirées pour certaines d’entre elles de la doctrine, telles que l’adoption de nouvelles règles matérielles ou encore la théorie des accommodements réciproques. / The reception of polygamy and repudiation by the French international legal order has evolved, fluctuating between tolerance and rejection. Placing us in the specific context of French-Moroccan relations, we have sought to verify to what extent the reform of these two institutions, introduced by the new Code of family in Morocco, could provide them a better reception. But before, we thought it useful to review their history and their evolution under Moroccan law. Then we reviewed the difficult course of their " immigration " in France, the different jurisprudential dislocations that they underwent, and the more severe intervention of the public order now based on respect for such fundamental rights as dictated by the ECHR.Far from resolving all disputes in this area, the French - Moroccan agreement of 10 August 1981 revealed its shortcomings and limitations. The ambition of this work was then to offer some solutions inspired for some of them by the doctrine, such as the adoption of new substantive rules or the theory of reciprocal accommodations.

江戶時期知名的大商人三井高利（宗壽）創立了「三井越後屋（和服店，三越百貨的前身）」，奠定了三井家的事業基礎。三井高利注重家族的延續，為了避免家族的分裂，於其遺書「宗壽居士古遺言」中揭示了家產共有的方向。第二代的高平（宗竺）於元祿七年(一六九四)改寫父親三井高利的遺書，制定三井家族一家的家法「宗竺遺書」。當中規定由限定的血緣團體，也就是由九名「同苗」共同擁有「三井」的事業及資產；確立了家產共有制度。另外，「宗竺遺書」對於家族及事業之管理機構「大元方」，以及事業經營辦法都有詳細的規定，其中不依附政權為三井事業經營的最高指導原則。由特定的血縁集團所構成的三井家並沒有隨著德川幕府一起走入歷史，成功的將家族的命脈延續至明治時期。 而與江戶時代相當、明清時期的徽商靠著宗族的力量發展茁壯，成為中國十大商幫之首。徽商認識到宗族的擴大強化和家庭的延續息息相關，因此對宗族十分重視。此外，依附政權為徽商經營的一個顯著特徵。為了使事業和政權結合，徽商對於宗族子弟透過科舉任官十分熱心。透過和政治權力結合而叱吒商場上三四百年的徽商，和清朝政府如同命運共同體，一起走向衰亡的道路。 本稿想探討的是，為什麼徽商的家業(商)於清末凋零，而三井家的家業卻能成功地延續到明治時期。因此本稿從中日社會差異、考察三井和徽商的家族組織、家訓、教育、經營的特質，並藉由家族延續的志向及實際的行動，掌握家族延續的思維及戰略。結果發現徽商家族無法存續的原因在於，財產的分割繼承，削弱了家族的財力。此外，事業寄生於政權發展的徽商，欠缺商人的獨立品格，也是造成其衰亡的要因之一。 相較於徽商，三井利用封閉的血緣集團，來經營三井的家族事業。為避免因為分產造成家族力量的削弱，三井實施家產共有制度，由封閉的血緣集團成員共同擁有。自立自強，不圖附著於政權發展的三井，不僅具備商人的獨立品格，也說明了「自立」為使其存續到近代的基本條件。 透過和徽商的比較，觀察出徽商和三井家家族延續的思維與戰略再某些方面，恰恰相反，這也突顯了三井家成功延續到明治時期的原因。 / 江戸時代において豪商として知られている三井高利は三井越後屋（三越デパートの前身）の創業祖である。高利は「家」の存続を念頭に、「宗寿居士古遺言」を残して家産の共有を指示している。二代目の高平（宗竺）は、元禄七年(一六九四)に書かれた宗寿の遺書を改め、三井家とその事業を規定する家法「宗竺遺書」を制定し、同苗の範囲を規定し限定的な血縁集団＝九家からなる「同苗」集団によって「三井」の事業を維持する方針を決め、家産の共有制度を明文化した。また、「宗竺遺書」は三井家の同苗と事業の管理機関である大元方について、細かく規定し、事業経営の方針を決めた。事業経営に際し、政治権力に依存しないのは三井的な経営の主な経営方針である。限定的な血縁集団で構成された三井家は幕末から明治まで生き残った。 それに対して、江戸時代に相当する明清朝期において、全国のトップの商人団体として知られている徽商は「宗族」の力によって発展したのである。「宗族」の拡大・強化は家の存続に繋がると認識している徽商は宗族を重視した。 そして、政治権力との結びつきを重視する点は徽商的経営の大きな特徴として注目される。富を築いた徽商は宗族子弟が科挙官僚になるための教育に熱心に力を注いだ。徽商は三四百年にわたって活躍したが、清末に清朝政府とともに衰微の道を辿った。すなわち、清朝の政権とともに運命をともにした。 本論では、日中社会の違いを考慮し、三井家と徽商のそれぞれの同族組織、家訓、教育、経営の特質を考察した。家存続のための志向性と実際の行動から、家存続の考え方を把握して、比較を行った。その結果、徽商が家存続を困難にした要因は財産の分割相続と権力との結びつきであると発見した。それに対して、三井家の家存続の考え方は、閉鎖的な血縁集団によって三井家を存続させる、また、財産の不分割相続によって家の弱体化を防ぐ、そして、三井家は権力から自立的であったことが、近代に生きのこる基本的な条件であったことを解明した。 徽商と家存続の考え方との比較を通して、三井家が明治時代まで存続した理由は一層明らかである。 【キーワード】：三井家、同苗三井越後屋、三井高利、三井高平、『宗竺遺書』、大元方、徽商、宗族、家存続 / The well-known businessman in the Edo era, Mitsui Takatoshi, founded the Mitsui Echigoya, a kimono-style shop which was regarded as the forerunner of Mitsukoshi department store and laid the foundations of Mitsui Family’s business industry at that time. Since Mitsui Takatoshi was much more concerned about the continuance of his family, he therefore formulated the direction of family possessions shared inheritance in his will宗壽居士古遺言for fear of the family disintegration. However, Mitsui Takatoshi’s eldest son, Takahira (Soujiku), laid down the Mitsui’s family rules, ‘The Family Code of Mitsui Drawn by the Soujiku’ in 1964 by reforming his father’s will, in which he regulated that the family business and properties are only held by some specific family members, that is, by nine Dobyous, and subsequently set up the system of family possessions shared inheritance. Furthermore, “The Family Code of Mitsui” was as well drawn up puissant rules on its family, business running, and the administration, Mitsui Omotokata, especially for the characteristic of independent politic inclination being the paramount principle. Afterwards, the newly-formed Mitsui Family didn’t fall into decay together with Edo government but had successfully maintained its prosperity from Edo till Meiji instead. Parallel to the Edo era, Huizhou Merchants in Ming and Qing Dynasties have become the top trading group in China under the backup of their lineage. To be more specific, the realization of Huizhou Merchants and the amplification and intensification of the lineage were contingent upon the continuance of family; therefore, more attention was paid on the development of lineage. Additionally, Huizhou Merchant‘s business is also characterized for its significant dependence on politic power. For the purpose of combining business and regime, Huizhou Merchants were extremely concerned about their offspring in the way of being qualified as the officials through the Imperial Examinations. Despite the combined political power which enables Huizhou Merchants to prosper for about three or four hundred years, they still could not escape from the fate that declined and fell with Qing dynasty in the long run. In general, the different application of the strategies on family continuance might roughly reflect on the contrast between the success of Mitsui Family and the failure of Huizhou Merchants. This study attempts to explore the perspectives between the Mitsui Family and Huizhou Merchant on family organization, family laws and education, and business based on the cultural difference between Chinese and Japan. Besides, the study also investigates how the family continued and which strategy they adopted through the direction and realization and by using comparative analysis to highlight the better use of strategies and perspectives on the continuance of the family. On the other hand, the reason of Huizhou Merchants’ failure in their family continuance could be attributed to the division of family possessions, which weakened the financial power of family as well. Moreover, one of primary factors that caused Huizhou Merchants’ family business to fall may result from the reliance on government, lacking its independent spirit and characteristic. Compared to Huizhou Merchants, the Mitsui Family made fully use of limited blood relationship to run their business. In order to avert the deprival of family possession from division, the family business and possessions were solely run and owned by these limited members. Most important of all, it is the independence of political inclination that finally leads to the Mitsui Family’s triumph in business industry, thereby creating its unique spirit in business and further shedding some light on how political autonomy leads to its golden age. Through the Comparison to Huizhou Merchant as aforementioned, the author found that the use of strategies and perspectives on the continuance of Huizhou Merchants are right opposite in some ways to those of Mitsui Family, which is also the reason that the Mitsui Family could prosper from Edo Era to Meiji Era.