Orientador: José Geraldo Alberto Bertoncine Poker / Banca: Pedro Geraldo Tosi / Banca: Lúcia Arrais Morales / Resumo: A atual conjuntura política brasileira parece oferecer uma realidade democrática pouco vista antes no país. No entanto, olhando mais atentamente, percebe-se um descompasso entre a realidade política institucional e nossa história. Pode-se afirmar que não houve uma consolidação concreta do ponto de vista histórico-sociológico que fosse possível um maior reconhecimento das lutas e resistências dos movimentos sociais e de seu modo de vida como elemento capaz de contribuir para a construção de uma sociedade realmente democrática e cidadã. Neste caso, esta pesquisa visa compreender a luta pela terra na região do Bico do Papagaio - extremo norte do Estado do Tocantins. Tem-se como preocupação, levantar pistas sobre as particularidades dos posseiros no que diz respeito aos conflitos agrários no contexto da repressão política do período militar (1964-1985). Pretende-se discutir como se deu a resistência de um grupo marginalizado tanto no âmbito político-ideológico quanto econômico quando se observa o processo de implementação dos projetos desenvolvimentista para a região. Isto é, pretende-se compreender como os posseiros e posseiras atuaram dentro do processo de modernização e conservaram traços de uma tradição expressada numa sociabilidade, na qual a terra é vista como território, algo que atua como elemento aglutinador na construção da luta/resistência. Deste modo, a hipótese é compreender as ações dos posseiros e como tais ações se desenrolaram no interior de uma tradição específica, uma vez que em uma situação de resistência se exacerba a relevância da cultura enquanto afirmação de uma identidade. Nesta perspectiva, a base da pesquisa será a história oral enquanto método que vai ao encontro dos interesses de uma comunidade, o que permitirá, em parte, demonstrar... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The present political situation Brazilian seems to offer a democratic reality uncommonly seen before in the country. However, if one looks at the matter more attentively, one perceives that there is a disagreement between the political and institutional reality and our history. One can say that there was no concrete consolidation from the historical-sociological viewpoint in which a greater notice of the quarrels and resistences of the social movements and their way of life could be viewed as an element capable of contributing for the construction of a really democratic and citizen society. In this case, this research aims at understanding the fight for taking the land over in the region of Bico do Papagaio which is situated in the northest area of Tocantins state. One has as a concern to raise clues on the particularities of the settlers as regards the agrarian conflicts in the context of the political repression in the military period of government (1964-1985). It is intended to discuss how the resistance of a marginalized group took place so in the political-ideological and in the economic as well when we observe the process of implementation of the developmentist projects for the area. That is to say, one intends to understand now the settlers acted within the modernization process and preserved traits of a tradition expressed in a socialization in which the earth is considered as a territory, something that acts as an aglutination element for the construction of the fight/resistence. In this way, our hypothesis is to understand the actions of the settlers and how such actions evolve inside of a specific tradition, since that in a situation of resistence is overwhelms the relevance of the culture as an affirmation of identity. In this perspective, the basis of research will be the oral... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

Ao assumirem o Estado, os militares tomaram para si a responsabilidade de conduzir o Brasil ao seu inevitável destino de grande potência, tendo como princípio que sua extensa base física e sua posição privilegiada na América do Sul, ofereciam totais condições e legitimavam o projeto. Partindo dos pressupostos acima, esta pesquisa se propõe a investigar como foi construída a política de potência no governo Geisel, tendo em vista que foi em sua gestão que se implantou efetivamente as estratégias de projeção da influência política brasileira em relação ao sistema internacional _ sob o auspício do Pragmatismo Responsável_ buscando a independência nas decisões políticas, esperando convertê-las em progressos econômicos, mas sobretudo, em avanços no cenário mundial. Nesse contexto, o acordo nuclear assinado com a Alemanha Federal representava a culminância de seu projeto de potência, posto que embalava amplas expectativas da parte do governo: resposta eficiente à crise nacional de energia provocada pelo choque do petróleo, acesso à tecnologia de ponta, domínio completo do ciclo do átomo, modernização e dinamização da indústria nacional e, acima de tudo, a posse de um instrumento legítimo de poder que lhe autorizava exigir maior parcela de decisão frente aos grandes temas de interesse mundial. / When militaries took the power of the state they also assumed for themselves the responsibility of leading Brazil to its unavoidable fate of large potency, haring as a beginning that its extensive physical bases and its privileged position in South America offered total conditions and legitimated the project. Based on the presupposition above, this research proposes to investigate how the political of potency was constituted in Geisel government, swing that was in his management which was definitely introduced the projection strategies of the political influence of Brazil in relation to the international system _ under the promise of the Responsible Pragmatism searching for the independence in political decisions, expecting converting them in economical progress but, above all, in advances in the world-wide scenery. In this context, the nuclear agreement which was signed with Federal Germany represented the culmination of its own project of potency, swing that it brought vast expectations from the government: efficient response about the national crises of energy caused by oil shock, access to the modern technology, total control of the period of the atom, modernization and giving dynamism to the national industry and, above all, the possessions of a rightful instrument of power, which allowed to demand more decisions in big themes of world-wide interests.

Après la seconde guerre mondiale et suite à sa défaite, l'Allemagne fut divisée en quatre zones d'occupation par les forces alliées. Sous le contrôle général du CONL (Conseil de Contrôle Interallié), les Allemands durent alors obéir aux ordres des quatre occupants alliés qui, chacun dans leur zone respective, cherchèrent de mener à bien leurs propres projets d'occupation. Pour des raisons diplomatiques et géopolitiques, les autorités françaises de la ZFO (zone française d’occupation) maintinrent une position plus indépendante, afin de non seulement garantir la sécurité géopolitique de la France, mais aussi s’assurer de pouvoir se procurer les moyens nécessaires à la reconstruction de la France -- à travers la réparation économique que l’Allemagne s’était vue imposer --, et enfin de lui permettre la décentralisation de l'Allemagne. Ainsi, une série de décisions sur l'utilisation directe ou indirecte des ressources humaines allemandes locales seront prises par le GMF (Gouvernement Militaire Français) pour faciliter l'administration de la zone française et assurer les intérêts français en Allemagne. Dans ce modèle représentatif de l’utilisation française du personnel allemand, trois groupes particuliers d’employés allemands directs ou indirects du GMF existèrent et aidèrent ainsi les occupants français à réaliser efficacement les objectifs qu’ils s’étaient fixés concernant l'occupation de l’Allemagne : les employés allemands relevant directement du GMF, les fonctionnaires et enfin, les légionnaires allemands. En raison de différentes décisions interalliées du CONL, d’événements historiques cruciaux et de mouvements populaires en Allemagne dans l’immédiat après-guerre – tels que par exemple, la dénazification, la démocratisation, la rééducation et la démilitarisation --, tous ces groupes d’employés allemands du GMF connurent des destins différents pendant la période d’occupation. Leurs sorts furent le reflet direct et concret du changement d’attitude des Français envers le peuple allemand ainsi que l’évolution des principes français relatifs à l’occupation de l’Allemagne dans l’après-guerre. / After the Second World War, defeated Germany was divided into four zones occupied by allied force. Under the general control of ACC (Allied Control Council), Germans had to obey the rule of Allied occupants and the four allied powers sought to carry out their own plans of occupation in their zones. Due to the reasons diplomatic and geostrategic, the French authorities maintained a more independent position to pursue the geopolitical security of France, the economic reparation for the reconstruction and the decentralization of Germany. Hence, a series of decisions about the direct or indirect use of local German human resource were adopted by the FMG (French Military Government) to simplifier the administration of the zone and ensure the realization of French interests in Germany. In this typical model of the French employ of German personnel, three major special germen groups existed; they supported French occupants to achieve efficiently their objectives of occupation in Germany: the germen employees relevant directly to FMG, the functionaries and the legionnaires. With the allied decisions of ACC, the crucial events and the popular movements in Germany, such as denazification, democratization, reeducation, and demilitarization, these typical groups of the employees of FMG have experienced the different situations during the occupation period and their fates reflect directly and deeply the change of French attitude toward the Germen people and the evolution of French principles of occupation in Germany in the postwar period.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-04T18:22:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adelita Araujo de Souza.pdf: 14274914 bytes, checksum: c505da3a5b145d8614745d83a468c03d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-16 / This research makes a consideration on urban and socio-spatial phenomena in the Iguassu border, where there are the cities formed in Argentine, Brazilian and Paraguayan territories. In this regard, it uses the border concept adopted by geography and the urban phenomenon adopted by urban planner Bernardo Secchi. For this investigation, we highlight the 70s as the time frame, period represented by the construction of Itaipu Binacional Power Plant, which promoted a global plan for housing, structuring the road system and articulating the urban grid plan concerning Brazilian and Paraguayan cities. This analysis has been carried out pointing political, economical and social aspects which involved the construction of the dam, as well as urban and architectural projects deployed by the company which eventually contributed to the current processes of urban expansion and interaction between these cities. First of all, we analyzed the natural logics which set up the urban relations over time such as commercial and touristic links, mobility and urban structure, immigration and territorialization processes, cultural and identity changes, for then reflecting on documents and projects dated of the construction of the dam, which reveal the interest of both Brazilian and Paraguayan military governments. The analysis of the urban projects shows that the adopted party was conceived to the population control and surveillance, besides of organizing socio-cultural hierarchies, while that, to the military class, urban projects were observed the same oriented for socialization, enhancement of public space and environment. Finally, it was concluded that the immediate consequences led to segregation, urban grid plan fraying and overcrowded cities culminating in social and identity conflicts. / Esta pesquisa realiza uma reflex?o sobre os fen?menos urbanos e s?cio-espaciais na fronteira do Igua?u, onde se encontram as cidades formadas nos territ?rios da Argentina, Brasil e Paraguai. Para isso, utiliza o conceito de fronteira adotado pela geografia e o conceito de fen?meno urbano adotado pelo urbanista Bernardo Secchi. Para a investiga??o, delineamos a d?cada de 1970 como o recorte temporal, per?odo representado pela constru??o da Usina de Itaipu Binacional, que promoveu um plano global de urbaniza??o para as cidades paraguaias e brasileiras, se baseado principalmente na constru??o de conjuntos habitacionais e na estrutura??o do sistema vi?rio, articulando as malhas urbanas das cidades da zona de fronteira. A an?lise ? realizada pontuando os aspectos pol?ticos, econ?micos e sociais que envolveram a constru??o da usina, bem como dos projetos urbanos e arquitet?nicos implantados pela empresa que, por fim, contribu?ram para os processos atuais de expans?o urbana e intera??o entre estas cidades. Analisamos primeiramente as l?gicas naturais que configuraram as rela??es urbanas ao longo do tempo, como v?nculos comerciais e tur?sticos, mobilidade e estrutura urbana, imigra??o e processos de territorializa??o, trocas culturais e identit?rias para, em seguida, refletir sobre os documentos e projetos da ?poca da constru??o da usina que revelam os interesses dos governos militares do Brasil e do Paraguai. A an?lise dos projetos urbanos demonstra que o partido adotado foi concebido para o controle e a vigil?ncia da popula??o, al?m de organizar hierarquias sociais e culturais, ao mesmo tempo em que, para a classe militar, observam-se projetos urbanos orientados para a socializa??o, a valoriza??o do espa?o p?blico e do meio ambiente. Finalmente, concluiu-se que as conseq??ncias imediatas conduziram ? segrega??o, ao esgar?amento da malha urbana e ao incha?o das cidades, culminando em conflitos sociais e identit?rios.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universiẗat Hannover, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 143-154).

L'application programmée de l'Amgot, lors de la libération de la France en 1944 s'est heurtée à la farouche opposition de de Gaulle. Cette thèse fut reprise pendant 50 ans dans l'historiographie française. Les études américaines considèrent plutôt les Affaires civiles des armées alliées, corps chargé du gouvernement militaire, comme une contingence. Pour disposer d'une évaluation des moyens, de l'emploi et des objectifs des Affaires civiles, nous étudions qualitativement et quantitativement ses capacités, ainsi que ses doctrines. En employant les sources diplomatiques, nous essayons de discerner les volontés américaines, mais aussi les perceptions françaises. Nous nous attardons sur une vision plus réaliste de la politique de Roosevelt pour montrer que les relations hostiles envers de Gaulle ne sont pas que personnelles mais découlent d'oppositions politiques concrètes. Cette étude permet finalement de déterminer la puissance réelle des Affaires civiles et d'estimer si elles furent un instrument politique ou une contingence.