Text in Afrikaans / Suid-Afrika het sy diplomatieke bande met Taiwan verbreek en hegte diplomatieke bande met Sjina in 1998 aangeknoop. Hierdie hegte verhouding wat tussen Suid-Afrika en Sjina ontwikkel het, word dikwels deur politici, die media en vakbonde veroordeel as nadelig vir Suid-Afrika. Ten einde hierdie veroordelings te staaf, of te weerlê, is ‘n analise van die politieke, ekonomiese en militêre verhouding tussen Suid-Afrika en Sjina onderneem. Aangesien Suid-Afrika voor 1998 verhoudinge met Taiwan gehandhaaf het, kon die verhouding wat tans tussen Suid-Afrika en Sjina bestaan, vergelyk word met die vorige verhouding met Taiwan. Die verhandeling kon gevolglik tot ’n gevolgtrekking kom rakende die verhouding. / In 1998 South Africa broke off diplomatic ties with Taiwan when it established full relations with China. Since then, South Africa’s ties with China have been frequently criticised by politicians, the media and trade unions as disadvantageous to South Africa. To refute or confirm this perception, an analysis of the political, economic and military ties between South Africa and China has been undertaken. South Africa’s relations with Taiwan prior to 1998 are the basis for the comparison of South Africa’s relations with China. As a result, this dissertation is able to reach a conclusion regarding these ties. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

One of the key features of the 2002 United States National Security Strategy was an abrupt shift from the traditional U.S. approach to proliferation threats that prioritized deterrence and promotion of nondiscriminatory nonproliferation norms, to an approach called counterproliferation that emphasized military preemption and direct challenges to adversarial state identity. This thesis asks the question, what caused counterproliferation to largely replace deterrence and nonproliferation as the central national security policies of the U.S. concerning unconventional weapons? The thesis argues that to understand this policy change requires not merely an appreciation of changes in the post-Cold War international security environment, but also an examination of how culturally shaped threat conceptions among American policymakers interacted with capabilities development and policy institutionalization within the U.S. military. As no current theory adequately addresses those dynamics, complimentary strategic culture and organizational theory models are presented as the framework for analysis. This thesis will contend that policy shift from NP to CP resulted from the merging of strategic cultural efforts aimed at legitimizing conceptions of proliferation threats as originating from state identity, with a military organizational drive to avoid uncertainty through the development of counterproliferation capabilities. Together these strategic cultural and organizational responses to shifting proliferation threats altered the menu of choice for policymakers by institutionalizing and legitimizing a policy response that directly challenged existing nonproliferation norms and practices. This thesis relies on a detailed case study of the evolution of counterproliferation policy from 1993 to 2002, with particular focus on the analysis of public discourse, declassified policy planning and Department of Defense documents, and participant interviews.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis aims to ascertain the level of success which civil society and state actors have had in dealing with issues of arms control and disarmament in the SADC region during the post- Cold War era. The main research question shall be divided into two key questions, the first being: How successful have states been in managing arms control and disarmament in the SADC region? The second question being: How successful has civil society been in managing arms control and disarmament in the SADC region? The study is therefore an evaluative study and shall be focused on the case study of Mozambique. Two arms control processes shall be evaluated in this regard. First is the “Transforming weapons into Ploughshares” or TAE project which is a civil society campaign aimed at minimizing the harsh impacts that Small Arms and Light Weapons have on Mozambican society. The demarcated time period for this project shall be 1995-2003. Second is state driven operation between South African and Mozambican police aimed at locating and destroying arms caches responsible for fuelling the illicit trade in light arms between the two countries. This project was known as Operation Rachel and shall be evaluated from the period of 1995-2001. Through evaluating these two projects, the study shall seek to make the point that in terms of arms control in post-conflict developing states, there is a role for both state and civil societies. The role of civil society organizations can be seen as one of identifying security threats, raising public awareness and democratizing security issues such as arms control so that society at large becomes active in negating the problem. The role of the state on the other hand is to live up to its duties as the chief provider of security for the designated population within the state’s territorial boundary. Arms control in Mozambique and in the SADC region in general has been mediocre at best since as shall be demonstrated, states are far too weak to offer any meaningful protection to citizens and secondly civil society organizations which have taken it upon themselves to offer this kind of protection are just not well resourced enough to undertake state responsibilities. Thus the key recommendation of this study is that Southern African states invariably need to build up their capacities. Light weapons have spread uncontrollably throughout the region because weak and fractured states could not contain the problem and continue struggling to manage a multitude of security threats. It is therefore up to civil society organizations to build strong societies which can demand stronger state action. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis se doel is om vas te stel tot watter mate die burgerlike samelewing en Staat akteurs sukses behaal het in terme van wapenbeheer en ontwapening in die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelings Gemeenskap (SAOG) streek na die koue oorlog. Die hoof navorsings vraag sal in twee kern vrae verdeel word, Die eerste vraag is: Hoeveel sukses het die burgerlike samelewing in die SAOG streek gehad met die bestuur van wapenbeheer en ontwapening? Die tweede vraag is: hoeveel sukses het Staat akteurs in die SAOG streek gehad met die bestuur van wapenbeheer en ontwapening? Hierdie studie is dus ʼn evaluerende studie en sal op Mosambiek fokus as gevalle-studie. Twee wapenbeheer prosesse sal in hierdie tesis evalueer word. Eerste, is die “Transforming Weapons into Ploughshares” of “TAE” projek wat ʼn burgerlike samelewings veldtog is, wat hom ten doel gestel het om die negatiewe impak van ligte-wapens op Mosambiekse samelewing te verminder. Die afgebakende tydperk vir hierdie studie sal 1995-2003 wees. Die tweede proses is die staat-gedrewe operasie tussen die Suid-Afrikaanse en Mosambiekse polisie. Die doel van hierdie projek was om die wapen-opslagplekke wat verantwoordelik is vir die onwettige handel in wapens tussen die twee lande te identifiseer en dienooreenkomstig te verwoes. Hierdie was bekend as “Operation Rachel” en sal tussen 1995-2001 evalueer word. Duur die evaluering van hierdie twee projekte sal die studie probeer om die punt te maak dat daar ʼn rol is vir beide die burgerlike samelewing en die staat in terme van wapenbeheer in post-konflik, ontwikkelende lande. Die rol van burgerlike samelewing organisasies kan beskou word as die identifisering van bedreigings wat veiligheid en sekuriteit kan raak, om bewustheid te kweek en die demokratisering van veiligheid en sekuriteit kwessies soos wapenbeheer. Die rol van die staat is om hulle plig te vervul as die ‘hoof verskaffer’ van sekuriteit vir die bevolking binne die staat se territoriale grense. Wapenbeheer in Mosambiek en in die SAOG streek in die algemeen was totdusver minder suksesvol gewees, aangesien state heeltemal te swak is om enige betekenisvolle beskerming aan hulle burgers te verleen. Tweedens, het burgerlike samelewings organisasies wat die verantwoordelikheid aangeneem het om beskerming te verleen net nie genoeg hulpbronne om die staat se verantwoordelikhede te vervul nie. Dus, is die kern aanbeveling van hierdie tesis dat Suider-Afrikaanse state hulle bekwaamheid en kapasiteit sal moet versterk. Ligte wapens het onbeheersd dwarsdeur die streek versprei omdat swak state nie oor die kapasiteit beskik om veelvuldige veiligheids en sekuriteits-bedreigings te kan hanteer nie. Dit hang dus van burgerlike samelewingsv organisasies af om sterk samelewings te bou wat op hul beurt kan aandring op sterker staatsoptrede om hierdie kwessies meer daadwerklik aan te spreek.

This is a study of the foreign and domestic policies of the USSR as they pertain to its war-readiness, as well as the degree to which these policies presumably opened the door to the European conflagration and, in 1941, to the Nazi-Soviet war. Topics to be discussed include: (1) the crash industrialization of the Soviet Union and industrial war preparations from 1928--41; (2) the development of Soviet military doctrine before and after 12 June 1937; (3) a critical re-examination of the popularly accepted reasons for the devolution of the Soviet armed forces; and (4) Soviet foreign policy from 1937--41. The chronological end of the paper (1941) is followed by a brief epilogue discussing the evident success of the Soviet industrialization program by reference to Soviet industrial performance during the Nazi-Soviet war. Furthermore, the epilogue will challenge the popular depiction of the German invasion as an effortless, seamless advance into the Soviet heartland.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The defence industry was established for the purpose of providing the then South African Defence Force (SADF) with armaments before. The SADF was there to serve the government of the day. Since then, the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) has been established to fulfil the same as the SADF, but is much more credible and representative. Thus there has been both continuity and renewal. The idea of public policy presupposes that there is a sphere that is not private or purely individual, but is held in common. The public comprises that dimension of human activity that is regarded as requiring government or social regulation or intervention or at least common action. This related to the defence-related industries too, which require government intervention in ensuring that small and medium enterprises (SMEs) get involved in the defence industry in general. Public policy is really about defining what counts as public,who provides, who pays, and whom to pay. The modem meaning of 'policy' is that of a course of action or plan, a set of political purposes - as opposed to 'administration'. Policy is seen as rational, a manifestation of considered judgement. A policy is an attempt to define and structure a rational basis for action or inaction. Policy involves deliberate behaviour to pursue certain objectives. The distinction between action and inaction properly emphasises that policies can initiate change or resist change. Policy is intended to affect all or selected points of the external and internal environment of the political system. Policy consists of a series of actions and decisions. The policy needed by the defence-related industry in one that will allow the inflow of entrepreneurs with education to help them learn from the experienced engineers within the industry. The individual drive and interest will be the driving force for success as defined and understood by the free market economy without unnecessary government interference. The development of SMEs in the defence-related industry is part of the renewal of the defence industry. The manufacturing can be left to small firms requiring less capital and sophisticated machines and processes. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die verdedigingsnywerheid is tot stand gebring om die destydse Suid-AfrikaanseWeermag (SAW) van krygstuig te voorsien. Die SAWwas daar om die regering van die dag te dien. Sedert die demokratiese verkiesing in 1994 is dit nou die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Weermag (SANW), wat, alhoewel dit dieselfde funksie as die SAW vervul, meer geloofwaardig en meer verteenwoordigend is. Daar was dus kontinuïteit sowel as vernuwing. Die konsep van openbare beleid veronderstel 'n sfeer of terrein van lewe wat nie privaat of alleenlik individueel is nie, maar eerder gemeenskaplik Die openbare terrein is daardie dimensie van menslike aktiwiteit waarvoor staats- of sosiale regulering of intervensie nodig IS, of ten minste gemeenskaplike aksie. Dit het ook betrekking op die verdedigingsnywerheid, waar staatsintervensienodig is om te verseker dat klein en medium ondernemings by die verdedigingsnywerheidin die algemeen betrokke raak. Die doel met openbare beleid is eintlik om te bepaal wat openbaar is, wie verskaf, wie betaal, en wie betaal moet word. Die konsep van ''beleidbepaling'' is om bewustelik 'n keuse te maak tussen twee hoofalternatiewe vir loodsgemeenskappe. Die moderne betekenis van die begrip ''beleid'' behels 'n rigting of aksie of plan, 'n stel politiese oogmerke - in teenstelling met "administrasie". Beleid word gesien as rasioneel, 'n manifestasie van weloorwoë oordeel. Dit is byvoorbeeld ondenkbaar dat politici sou toegee dat hulle nie 'n beleid insake X het nie. Beleid is 'n poging om 'n rasionele grondslag vir aksie te bepaal en te struktureer. Namate 'n staat sy wetgewingsprosedures verander, so behels die funksies van ''beleid'' die skep van 'n aanneemlike storie, wat die skrywer se doel verseker en waarin beleid 'n rolspeler is. Die betekenis het betekenis. Die term ''beleid'' word gebruik om aan te toon dat daar 'n behoefte is om uit te klaar watter sosiale doelstellings gedien word deur die toedien (ook self-toedien) van wetenskaplike energie. Met ander woorde, die klem val spesifiek op die beleidwetenskap van demokrasie, waar realisering van menswaardigheid, in teorie en in praktyk, die uiteindelike doelwit is.

Text in Afrikaans / Suid-Afrika het sy diplomatieke bande met Taiwan verbreek en hegte diplomatieke bande met Sjina in 1998 aangeknoop. Hierdie hegte verhouding wat tussen Suid-Afrika en Sjina ontwikkel het, word dikwels deur politici, die media en vakbonde veroordeel as nadelig vir Suid-Afrika. Ten einde hierdie veroordelings te staaf, of te weerlê, is ‘n analise van die politieke, ekonomiese en militêre verhouding tussen Suid-Afrika en Sjina onderneem. Aangesien Suid-Afrika voor 1998 verhoudinge met Taiwan gehandhaaf het, kon die verhouding wat tans tussen Suid-Afrika en Sjina bestaan, vergelyk word met die vorige verhouding met Taiwan. Die verhandeling kon gevolglik tot ’n gevolgtrekking kom rakende die verhouding. / In 1998 South Africa broke off diplomatic ties with Taiwan when it established full relations with China. Since then, South Africa’s ties with China have been frequently criticised by politicians, the media and trade unions as disadvantageous to South Africa. To refute or confirm this perception, an analysis of the political, economic and military ties between South Africa and China has been undertaken. South Africa’s relations with Taiwan prior to 1998 are the basis for the comparison of South Africa’s relations with China. As a result, this dissertation is able to reach a conclusion regarding these ties. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

Orientador: Mara Regina Martins Jacomeli / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-14T20:17:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Almeida_EnioAntoniode_M.pdf: 2909042 bytes, checksum: 22a9b5136762906c97b2651f97e788c9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: A presente dissertação elucida a história da instituição de ensino militar paulista, Academia do Barro Branco, localizada na zona norte da capital, notadamente quanto ao momento da criação dessa escola de formação de oficiais da então Força Pública, fato ocorrido em 1913 com a publicação da Lei Estadual que criava o Curso Especial Militar, com a colaboração de uma missão estrangeira de instrução militar. Esse grupo foi contratado pelo governo estadual paulista junto ao exército francês, e seus trabalhos se iniciaram em 1906. Como verificamos na pesquisa, a criação da Academia visou à manutenção da hegemonia política da oligarquia cafeeira do oeste paulista em todo país. A atual Academia do Barro Branco é o local onde são formados os profissionais da área de segurança pública, responsáveis pelo comando dos policiais militares que atuam em todas as cidades do Estado de São Paulo no atendimento emergencial da população em casos de crimes e outras demandas públicas, bem como no policiamento ostensivo para preservar aquilo que o capitalismo define como ordem pública. Essa escola militar, portanto, resulta de um processo histórico iniciado a partir da profissionalização da então Força Pública durante a República Velha, empreendimento eivado do ideário republicano e demais ideologias que permeavam o discurso educacional da época. Metodologicamente, para a elaboração do trabalho, foi procedido amplo levantamento bibliográfico sobre o período e a temática; recorrendo-se também às fontes primárias relativas à criação e implementação da Academia. Em seus capítulos, verificam-se a contextualização histórica na transição Império-República, o histórico da força policial paulista até o período de interesse da pesquisa e a inserção do objeto de estudo na legislação da época; descreve-se a invernada do Barro Branco - local escolhido para a instalação da escola pesquisada - e analisa-se a evolução curricular do Curso de Formação de Oficiais. / Abstract: This dissertation elucidates the history of the Military Training School named "Barro Branco" Academy, located in the north of the capital city, São Paulo, mainly regarding the particular occasion of the creation of this training school for officers of the then Public Force, what took place in 1913 when the State Law was promulgated and the Special Military Course was created with the cooperation of a foreign mission for military training. The Sao Paulo State Government made an agreement with the French Army and the work of the foreign group started in 1906. As it can be observed in the research, the purpose of creating the Academy was to keep on the political hegemony of the coffee oligarchy from the west of São Paulo throughout the country. The "Barro Branco" Academy is now the place where professionals of the public safety area are trained to be responsible for the command of military officers who work in all the towns and cities of São Paulo State providing the population with emergency care concerning crimes and other public demands as well as ostensible policing in order to preserve what the capitalism calls public order. This military school, therefore, is the result of a historical process, which began with the professionalization of the then Public Force during the Old Republic, and reflects the Republican Thinking together with other ideologies that permeated the educational speech of the time. Methodologically, to elaborate this dissertation, an extensive bibliography survey was performed on the period of the facts and on the main theme, making use of the primary sources related to the creation and implementation of the Academy. In its chapters, it is possible to observe the historical context during the transition period from the Empire to the Republic System as well as a detailed report on the police force in São Paulo up to the research period of interest and the insertion of the object of study in the legislation of the time. It is also described the development of the "Barro Branco Academy", the place where the researched training school was installed. In the end, an analysis is made on the curricular evolution of the Officers Training Course. / Mestrado / Filosofia e História da Educação / Mestre em Educação

This thesis conceptualises compulsory military service and objection to it as public performative acts that generate gendered and political identity. Conscription was the primary performance of citizenship and masculinity for white men in apartheid South Africa. Conscription was also a key governance strategy both in terms of upholding the authority of the state and in engendering discipline in the white population. Objection to military service was therefore a destabilising and transgressive public act. Competing conceptualisations of masculinity and citizenship are inherent in pro and anti-conscription discourses. The refusal to undertake military service places men outside the accepted means of graduating to ' real' manhood and patriotic citizenship. Although objection can be an iconic and transgressive act, objectors have an essentially ambivalent subjectivity in the public realm. Objectors are 'strangers' in a socially constructed and gendered binary of 'insiders' and 'outsiders' . This ambivalent status creates opportunities but also constraints for the performance of objection. The thesis analyses the effectiveness of objectors' performances and argues that there is a distinction between a radical challenge to hegemonic conceptions of militarised masculinity and citizenship and assimilatory challenges. The tension between radicalism and assimilation comes to the fore in response to the state's attacks on objectors. The militarised apartheid state is defined as not only masculine but heteronormative terms and it is the deployment of sexuality that is its most effective means of stigmatising and restricting the performance of objection. The thesis uses interview material, archival data and case studies and concludes that objectors (and their supporters) weaved multiple narratives into their performances but that as the 1980s progressed, the performance of objection to conscription became assimilatory and this demonstrates the heteronormativity of the state, military service and the public realm. / KMBT_363 / Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in

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