This dissertation offers the first in depth examination of the government of garrisons in England between the 1560s and the 1630s, via the close examination of three case studies: the garrisons at Plymouth, Portsmouth and Berwick-upon-Tweed. The garrisons located at vulnerable locations along England’s frontier existed to help maintain the internal peace and safety of the realm. The central government, the crown and the privy council, and those who lived in these vulnerable areas agreed about the value and necessity of defence. They also agreed that defence served the larger goal of stable and orderly domestic government. They disagreed, however, over the government of garrisons. The central government and those upon whom it relied to govern in the localities thus entered into negotiations over the nature of garrison government. In these negotiations, the Elizabethan central government regularly and successfully asserted the queen’s right to appoint a garrison captain and successfully maintained him in his jurisdiction once appointed. The regime took specific, goal oriented action to maintain the stable and Protestant polity that was, in their view, established under Elizabeth I. The result was expansion of the state. This study questions, therefore, the extent to which the early modern English state expanded through an undirected process of state formation. While the garrisons under study here reveal that England underwent significant military development during this period, these garrisons still did not constitute a standing army. The Elizabethan central government still lacked the physical coercive power to implement their ambitions without recourse to negotiation. Domestic garrisons reveal, however, that state building occurred not in spite of the fact that power was negotiated, but rather because it was negotiated. The central government’s hand at the bargaining table was not as weak as is sometimes portrayed, particularly with regard to military matters. Defence of the realm was part of the royal prerogative and so actions taken concerning the government of garrisons carried considerable legitimacy. Moreover, as the font of all official authority within the state, the central government was the ultimate arbiter of jurisdictional dispute. Those who possessed official authority in early modern England feared the diminution of that authority, through actions perceived as illegitimate, in the eyes of those over whom they governed. Equally unpalatable, however, was the diminishing of one’s authority through the encroachment of the authority of another. Against this eventuality, one’s only recourse was the central government.

Despite England’s growing international trading wealth, an expanding secondary sector, and more productive agriculture the mid-seventeenth century state with its outdated tax system was politically and militarily weak. Civil war and its aftermath created the urgent and protracted supply need which instigated the creation and honing of radically new effective tax forms and processes which proved indispensable during the Restoration and beyond. Drawing on Kent, London and Bristol case studies this thesis explores how the land tax became a mainstay of an increasingly powerful early modern English state by considering its administration, processes and tax mechanics from its 1643 inception to the excise crisis. Economic development offered fiscal opportunity and whilst the excise exploited product supply chains, the land tax targeted rent and income generated from agricultural, commercial and domestic real estate. Occupiers and landlords shared immediate fiscal burdens. Land taxes exploited cashflows around financial and seasonal production cycles, particularly in the more commercialised South and East, where fresh attempts were made to value and tax land. Effective local governors had for decades bolstered their own authority by delivering national initiatives and now worked in partnership with legislators to nurture the new tax and create resilience. The state’s bargain was that parliament would determine deadlines and fixed tax amounts from each locale, but local governors had immediate process ownership to determine its detailed application. Continued fiscal success required fresh waves of innovation, adaption and involvement including: empowerment, delegation, the deployment of more experienced officials, simplification, and improved stakeholder oversight. As post-Revolutionary conflict drove fiscal burdens higher, land taxes became a permanent fiscal implement of the state, despite regular outbreaks of political angst at the tax’s power. The resulting coordinated collective commitment of tens of thousands of officials, across county, city and country, was the great fiscal achievement of the age; a picture long obscured by institutionalised state narratives.

The growth and prevalence of the private military industry has led many to conclude that the state has outsourced one of its core functions: public security. As a global non-state actor, PMSCs pose a risk to state sovereignty by undermining the democratic legitimacy of armed forces and challenging the states international monopoly over force. This study, using the tripartite model in English school theory, refutes this commonly held belief by examining the regulatory methods that have brought PMSCs squarely under state control. This study organizes regulatory efforts in a three level concept of national, international and self-regulatory methods, and based on the increased national regulatory methods, mixed with international norms and weak self-regulation, concludes that states maintain their primacy over violence in world politics.

yes / The Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps or IRGC is a multilayered political, ideological, and security institution that has steadily acquired an increasing role in Iran’s economy in recent years. This paper analyses the increasing economic and business involvement of the IRGC in the broader context of Iranian state-society relations in general, and its civil-military dynamics in particular. More specifically, we look at the political and socio-economic processes within which the IRGC operates at the interrelated levels of the state and society. This analysis sets out the framework based on which we examine the IRGC’s increasing power in the course of its engagements and various conflicts in both political and societal arenas, and in particular its economic expansion under Ahmadinejad’s presidency. This paper concludes by discussing the implications of the IRGC’s rise on the economic policy of the new government under President Rouhani. / The full text is unavailable in the repository due to copyright restrictions.

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A presente pesquisa trata de esforço hermenêutico com o objetivo de historiar o Exército como corpo institucional a partir do período de constituição da corporação como entidade moderna ao da estruturação da República Militar. Com a intenção de expor as filigranas políticas e culturais que ao longo da república brasileira qualificaram as identidades na caserna. Com o olhar voltado às práticas sóciomilitares para enfim compreender a mentalidade hegemônica que consolidou na instituição uma visão conservadora de mundo. Esse olhar, no entanto, não negligencia, ainda, a importância do social da sociedade brasileira para a constituição do Exército como força militar e política na república brasileira. Fundamentalmente, as forças armadas não se apresentam deslocadas da sociedade, mesmo que o confinamento esteja na ordem do dia institucional, verdadeiramente, trata-se de uma entidade burocrática antes totalizante do que totalitária. Sendo assim, a história do Exército não está deslocada da vida ordinária brasileira nem da formação do Estado moderno no país. Sempre é bom lembrar que a matéria-prima o corpo a ser militarizado é antes de tudo produto da sociedade civil. Dessa forma, a escritura revela a intenção de explicar e relacionar, com a modernização do Exército, o processo de normalização militar da caserna com a efetivação da corporação como ator político nacional. No limite, num quadro conjuntural de tensão intramilitar e de consenso, meticulosamente, construído ao longo da república brasileira. Por fim, o contexto societal brasileiro no qual o Exército modernizou-se revela a produção de um poder militar naturalizado, por isso respeitado e autônomo tentamos aqui desnaturalizar esse poder com a historicização das práticas sócio-militares. / The present research represents a hermeneutical effort on approaching the Brazilian Armys history as an institutional corps since its formation period as a modern entity to the Military Republics structurization. Having as a goal to expose the political and cultural contexts that have qualified the military environment all through Brazilian Republic. Aiming the social military practices to finally comprehend the hegemonial mentality that have consolidated in the institution a conservative view of the world. Notwithstanding, that view does not leave apart the importance of the social of brazilian society to the constitution of the Army as a military and political force in the Brazilian Republic. Fundamentally, the Armed Forces are not detached from the society, even though confining is the institutional daily order, actually, it is a bureaucratical entity much more totalizing than totalitarian. Thus, the Armys history is not detached from brazilian ordinary life nor from the formation of the modern State in the country. It is always worth to remind that the raw material the corps to be militarized is above all a product from the civil society. This way, the deed reveals an intention to explain an relate to the Armys modernization, the military normalization of the environment with the corps effectivation as a national political actor. In a conjunctural set of intramilitary tension and consensus, meticulously built all through Brazilian Republic. The brazilian societal context in which the Army modernized itself reveals the production of a naturalized military power, therefore respected and autonomous we try herein to make this power unnatural with the historicization of the social military practices.

A presente pesquisa trata de esforço hermenêutico com o objetivo de historiar o Exército como corpo institucional a partir do período de constituição da corporação como entidade moderna ao da estruturação da República Militar. Com a intenção de expor as filigranas políticas e culturais que ao longo da república brasileira qualificaram as identidades na caserna. Com o olhar voltado às práticas sóciomilitares para enfim compreender a mentalidade hegemônica que consolidou na instituição uma visão conservadora de mundo. Esse olhar, no entanto, não negligencia, ainda, a importância do social da sociedade brasileira para a constituição do Exército como força militar e política na república brasileira. Fundamentalmente, as forças armadas não se apresentam deslocadas da sociedade, mesmo que o confinamento esteja na ordem do dia institucional, verdadeiramente, trata-se de uma entidade burocrática antes totalizante do que totalitária. Sendo assim, a história do Exército não está deslocada da vida ordinária brasileira nem da formação do Estado moderno no país. Sempre é bom lembrar que a matéria-prima o corpo a ser militarizado é antes de tudo produto da sociedade civil. Dessa forma, a escritura revela a intenção de explicar e relacionar, com a modernização do Exército, o processo de normalização militar da caserna com a efetivação da corporação como ator político nacional. No limite, num quadro conjuntural de tensão intramilitar e de consenso, meticulosamente, construído ao longo da república brasileira. Por fim, o contexto societal brasileiro no qual o Exército modernizou-se revela a produção de um poder militar naturalizado, por isso respeitado e autônomo tentamos aqui desnaturalizar esse poder com a historicização das práticas sócio-militares. / The present research represents a hermeneutical effort on approaching the Brazilian Armys history as an institutional corps since its formation period as a modern entity to the Military Republics structurization. Having as a goal to expose the political and cultural contexts that have qualified the military environment all through Brazilian Republic. Aiming the social military practices to finally comprehend the hegemonial mentality that have consolidated in the institution a conservative view of the world. Notwithstanding, that view does not leave apart the importance of the social of brazilian society to the constitution of the Army as a military and political force in the Brazilian Republic. Fundamentally, the Armed Forces are not detached from the society, even though confining is the institutional daily order, actually, it is a bureaucratical entity much more totalizing than totalitarian. Thus, the Armys history is not detached from brazilian ordinary life nor from the formation of the modern State in the country. It is always worth to remind that the raw material the corps to be militarized is above all a product from the civil society. This way, the deed reveals an intention to explain an relate to the Armys modernization, the military normalization of the environment with the corps effectivation as a national political actor. In a conjunctural set of intramilitary tension and consensus, meticulously built all through Brazilian Republic. The brazilian societal context in which the Army modernized itself reveals the production of a naturalized military power, therefore respected and autonomous we try herein to make this power unnatural with the historicization of the social military practices.

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This study examines German illustrated broadsheets that were manufactured and published in the Holy Roman Empire between 1630-1633. They were part of a pro-Swedish media campaign launched soon after the arrival of the Swedish king Gustav II Adolf and the Swedish army in the Holy Roman Empire in June 1630 with the intention to legitimate the Swedish king’s presence in the Holy Roman Empire.  Inspired by Jan Glete’s notion about the early fiscal-military states as protection-selling enterprises, this study uses pro-Swedish illustrated broadsheets as a source material in order to examine how they were used to encourage German Protestants to buy Swedish protection. By looking for protection-selling arguments, this study wants to find out how Swedish protection was portrayed in the illustrated broadsheets. This study also makes a distinction between confessional and non-confessional protection-selling arguments, making it possible to distinguish which aspects of the protection-selling arguments that had a more religious character and vice versa. After the analysis of the source material, the protection-selling arguments are organised into various categories of representation, which enables the study to establish how Sweden and Gustav II Adolf were portrayed, and what they were claimed to represent in terms of protection.  The study concludes that the illustrated broadsheets portrayed Sweden and Gustav II Adolf as competent seller of protection who had the ability to protect its allies and co-religionists against aggression, religious oppression, plundering, murdering, destruction, the Devil and his collaborators, and consequences of the Edict of Restitution. Gustav II Adolf represents the Swedish state, and the illustrated broadsheets highlight his courage, competence as a political and military leader, and his Protestant devotion.  Their enemies are portrayed as dissident aggressors who represented religious oppression, plundering, murdering, destruction, heresy, devil-worshiping, and witchcraft. They were said to possess the negative qualities of hypocrisy and mortal sin, as well as an incapable military leadership.

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