Thesis (D. Min.)--Trinity International University, 1999. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 352-357).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Trinity International University, 1999. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 352-357).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Catholic Theological Union at Chicago, 2004. / Abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 237-250).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Catholic Theological Union at Chicago, 2004. / Abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 237-250).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Catholic Theological Union at Chicago, 2004. / Abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 237-250).

Thesis (M.A.)--Catholic Theological Union at Chicago, 2004. / Vita. "May 2004." Includes bibliographical references (leaves [52]-54).

Thesis (M.A.)--Catholic Theological Union at Chicago, 2004. / Vita. "May 2004." Includes bibliographical references (leaves [52]-54).

Dans l’État mexicain du Chiapas et aux Philippines sur l’île de Mindanao, on retrouve des groupes paysans en révolte contre leurs gouvernements respectifs. À l’origine de ce conflit, on souligne une situation alimentaire difficile et des revendications concernant la terre, son partage et son usage. L’objectif de ce mémoire est de comparer les différents résultats que peuvent avoir des mobilisations sociopolitiques de type belliqueux et pacifique sur la situation alimentaire de populations paysannes. Pour y parvenir, le concept original de profil alimentaire est élaboré, se situant entre les notions de sécurité et de souveraineté alimentaire. Les hypothèses de recherche sont qu’une mobilisation sociopolitique belliqueuse entraîne une amélioration forte du profil alimentaire, qu’une mobilisation sociopolitique pacifique entraîne une amélioration notable du profil alimentaire et que l’absence de mobilisation laisse le profil alimentaire dans un état statique. Ce mémoire, utilisant l’anthropologie politique comme méthode de recherche et d’analyse, réussit à asseoir le concept de profil alimentaire qui permet de souligner l’évolution de la qualité d’alimentation et des pratiques agricoles. / In the Mexican state of Chiapas and in the Philippines’ island of Mindanao, peasant groups are in rebellion against their respective governments. Directly linked to the nature of these two conflicts are precarious food situations, and claims about the way to use and to divide land. The main objective of this thesis is to compare the different results that can be provided by sociopolitical mobilisations of violent and peaceful nature. In order to reach that objective, the genuine concept of food profile is elaborated, merging both the food security and sovereignty concepts. The hypotheses of that thesis are that a violent mobilisation leads to a significant improvement of the food profile, that a peaceful mobilisation leads to an appreciable improvement of the food profile and that the absence of mobilisation leads to the stagnation of the food profile. Using political anthropology as a method of research and analysis, this thesis succeeds in using the concept of food profile to underline the evolution of the food quality and of the agricultural practices.

This thesis is a critique on contemporary counterterrorism and peacebuilding. It uses a single case study approach to answer the question: How can we, by studying the Mindanao conflict - which has characteristics of both ‘new wars' and ‘new terrorism' - find a juncture between peace and conflict studies and terrorism studies that could help us to better understand terrorism and thereby create more efficient frameworks and tools for countering terrorism, and addressing the root causes of intrastate conflict in order to build a lasting peace? In addressing this question the thesis aims to contribute to International Relations and more specifically the emerging literatures of ‘critical terrorism studies' and ‘critical peace and conflict studies'. Ontologically, the thesis is positioned in between the two subfields, peace and conflict studies and terrorism studies, of International Relations and draws on theories from both literatures and the more recent ‘critical' turns of each sub-discipline; critical terrorism studies and critical peace studies. The case study of the Philippines and in particular the Mindanao conflict is relatively under-researched and functions as a comparative element as it, arguably, represents a microcosm of almost every type of conflict. It is the understanding of the thesis that there is a need to understand local realities and grievances in order to build a lasting peace in Mindanao where the root causes of the conflict is being addressed. Hence, the thesis seeks to understand the root causes of the conflict by focusing on Filipino history of governance and conflict. The roots of conflict is found to be the grievances of being deprived of self-rule, autonomy, and independence and of the right to its ancestral domain after centuries of various levels of oppression as well as corruption within the embedded, archaic power structures of Filipino political dynasties. Furthermore, the thesis tests the theoretical frameworks on the on-going peace process suggesting that the institutions and ‘one size fits all approaches' in liberal peacebuilding can be found in the embedded power structures in the social, political and economic levels of the Philippines. The main contribution the thesis aims to achieve is to apply post-liberal peacebuilding theories to the Mindanao conflict by identifying and assigning the role of the liberal institutions to local elites. Therefore, the main argument of the thesis is that the peace agreement between the Philippine government and the MILF is merely reshuffling the power within the archaic power structures of governance and political, economic and social life within the Philippines, without addressing the root causes of the conflict. Consequently, this will not lead to a long-term lasting peace in the Philippines.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / The emergence of the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) in the early 1990s represented the radicalization of the Filipino Muslim separatist movement. Despite the initial success of the joint Philippine and U.S. Balikatan exercise against the Abu Sayyaf on 2002, the ASG has continued to carry out attacks on lightly guarded or "soft" targets, the same way international terrorist groups have been known to do. The anarchic region of Central Mindanao has become a training base for the Southeast Asian terror organizations and a refuge for Abu Sayyaf. The war on terrorism has changed the lives of the Filipinos and strained the capacities of the government. Over the years, the Philippines has fought terrorism in many ways. It has retaliated militarily, prosecuted terrorists, preempted terrorist attacks, implemented defensive measures, and addressed some of the causes of terrorism. To some degree, all suffer from limited effectiveness and applicability. This thesis analyzes the Philippine response to terrorism and determines how it should develop an effective strategy to counter terrorism. This study also discusses the government organizational structure and the problems faced by the Philippine government agencies in addressing the terrorism specifically posed by the Abu Sayyaf. In addition, this thesis presents a case study of Abu Sayyaf by analyzing its organizational and operational tools in the maintenance of its terrorist capability. Finally, this thesis examines the government bureaucracy and its capability to respond to the threats posed by terrorism. / Colonel, Philippine Air Force