Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:12:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2005- Camila Moreno.pdf: 773163 bytes, checksum: a0f615c8421820319c67af6265ee6496 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-12-08 / This work seeks to relate the ressurgence and protagonism of the peasant movements on the space of world articulation and alternatives building to neoliberalism, identified with the World Social Forum (WSF) process. On the peasants discourse to globalization in this context, the opposition to the genetically modified organisms (transgenics) in its introduction in agriculture has served as a catalytic element and mobilized other movements and segments of civil society, beyond the farms and rural areas. Such effect is due to the political characterization in framing the introduction of this technology; this has been obtained exceedingly by the peasant s discourse on defense of its territories and the Food Sovereignty of peoples and States, facing the control of the global agro-food systems by some few transnational corporations of the sector, as in the emblematic case of transgenic soy, the Monsanto company. Located within the macro debate on agriculture liberalization in the World Trade Organization (WTO); the juridical international framework to protect intellectual property; and the risks of genetic contamination of ecosystems, the opposition to transgenics in agriculture offers a red thread to comprehend the dynamics of how capitalism operates today. In the process through peasants became proletarians, the genetic control and privatization of the seeds serve as a corner stone. In this sense, transgenics update and give new meaning to the nucleus of themes and problems known for the marxist tradition as the Agrarian Question. Also, the peasant movements restate to theoretical framing the centrality of the labor process in apprehending the contradictions in reality, highlighting the ecological dimensions, and qualifying the productive activity that directly transforms nature; from there it is associated a critic to the ideology of technological progress as if dissociated of a political project. These imbrications are specially suitable to recover Marx today, freed from Marxism, seeking to update the critical perspective of political economy in relation to the contemporary concept of environmental rationality, thus incorporating the ecological dimension to politics as to economy. In this view, the peasant movements would be on the avant-garde of contesting the capitalist structures of production, as would they be pointing to on the interface of politics and ecology the ways to build a socialist project for the XXI century. / Este trabalho trata de relacionar a emerg?ncia e o protagonismo dos movimentos camponeses no espa?o de articula??o mundial de constru??o de alternativas ao neoliberalismo, identificado no processo do F?rum Social Mundial (FSM). No discurso ? globaliza??o dos camponeses nesse contexto, o tema da oposi??o aos organismos geneticamente modificados (transg?nicos) em sua introdu??o na agricultura tem servido de elemento catalisador e mobilizado outros movimentos e grupos da sociedade civil, para al?m do campo e do rural. Este efeito deve-se ? caracteriza??o pol?tica da introdu??o dessa tecnologia, lograda sobremaneira no discurso campon?s em defesa dos territ?rios e da soberania alimentar dos povos e dos Estados nacionais frente ao controle do sistema agroalimentar mundial por algumas empresas transnacionais do setor, como no caso emblem?tico da soja transg?nica, a Monsanto. Inserida no debate macro das negocia??es agr?colas no ?mbito da Organiza??o Mundial do Com?rcio (OMC), do marco jur?dico internacional de prote??o da propriedade intelectual e dos riscos ambientais da contamina??o gen?tica dos ecossistemas, a oposi??o aos transg?nicos na agricultura oferece um fio condutor para compreender a din?mica de funcionamento do capitalismo hoje, onde a proletariza??o dos camponeses, com o controle gen?tico e a privatiza??o das sementes, serve de pedra de toque. Dessa forma, os transg?nicos atualizam e ressignificam o n?cleo de temas e problemas que ficou conhecido na tradi??o marxista como a Quest?o Agr?ria. Ainda, os movimentos camponeses reafirmam para a problematiza??o te?rica a centralidade do trabalho na apreens?o das contradi??es da realidade, ressaltando a dimens?o ecol?gica, na qualifica??o do processo produtivo que diretamente transforma a natureza, incluindo desde a? a cr?tica ? ideologia do progresso tecnol?gico como dissociado de um projeto pol?tico. Esta imbrica??o ? especialmente oportuna para recuperar Marx hoje, depurado do marxismo, buscando atualizar a perspectiva cr?tica da economia pol?tica em rela??o ao conceito contempor?neo de racionalidade ambiental, incorporando a dimens?o da ecologia ? pol?tica tanto como ? economia. Nessa leitura, os movimentos camponeses estariam na vanguarda da contesta??o ?s estruturas de produ??o capitalistas hoje, bem como apontariam, na indissociabilidade entre ecologia e pol?tica, os rumos de constru??o de um projeto socialista para o s?culo XXI.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / Este trabalho estuda as dimensÃes da QuestÃo AgrÃria no CearÃ, entre 1954 e 1964. Na primeira parte, à vista dos periÃdicos de Fortaleza, foram analisados os debates acerca da legislaÃÃo agrÃria, a concentraÃÃo fundiÃria, a migraÃÃo e a violÃncia como faces da QuestÃo AgrÃria no CearÃ. Na segunda parte, incorpora -se a anÃlise das formas de comunicaÃÃo social voltadas à luta camponesa, pelo jornal Terra Livre, como documento e memÃria, oferecendo o inventÃrio das lutas camponesas no Cearà e demonstrando que seu conteÃdo possibilita apreender variados nÃveis do debate, nas conjunturas, entre meados de 1940 e inÃcio da dÃcada de 1960, bem como dimensÃes da cultura camponesa e das memÃrias militantes. / The present study aims at discussing some dimensions of the Agrarian Question in CearÃ, between 1954 and 1964. At the beginning, we analyze the debates about the agrarian legislation, land concentration, migration and violence, through Fortal eza newspapers. This research also looks into the social communication ways towards the peasant struggle, trough Terra Livre newspaper, as memory and document that allows an inventory of peasant struggle in CearÃ. We demonstrate that its articles allows us to learn many debates levels, in that context, between the 40âs middles and the 60âs beginning as well as some dimensions of peasant culture and militants memories.

<p>The study explores how struggles for social justice by Guatemalan and Ecuadorian indigenous peasant movements are affected by ethno-politics (the strategic political use of ethnicity), by using a comparative historical approach incorporating structural change and strategic agency. The analysis revolves around the partly enduring, partly changing oligarchic structures. The choice of the countries rests primarily upon the composition of their respective oligarchic classes. In Guatemala, the despotic agrarian oligarchs have dominated for much of the past century; whereas in Ecuador, the oligarchy was divided into an agrarian and a modernist fraction.</p><p>Scholars often locate ethnic politicisation in Latin America within the context of a shift from ‘national popular’ and ‘corporatist’ political orders toward political and economic liberalisation. This shift supposedly unleashed ethnic identities which were previously subordinated by the way indigenous communities were politically incorporated. This study shows that dramatic openings for ethnic politicisation in the 1990s occurred where corporatism had been weak and oligarchic structures persisted. But the elites were unable to use ethnicity as a tool for hegemonic control. Due to the oligarchic legacy, class discourses could not be prevented from being reproduced, and ethnic ones were politicised in a way that is dysfunctional to the elites’ effort to politically disarm the rural poor. Another finding is that the persisting influence of the agrarian oligarchy made the Guatemalan movement more focused on the land struggle and more unwilling/unable to integrate into the political arena prescribed by those in control of the state. In Ecuador, the demise of the agrarian oligarchy and the rise of a strong neo-liberal fraction constituted the context within which the movement moved away from the land struggle. It accessed the ethno-political spaces more firmly but resembled the Guatemalan movement in keeping its strategy of mass mobilisation.</p>

The study explores how struggles for social justice by Guatemalan and Ecuadorian indigenous peasant movements are affected by ethno-politics (the strategic political use of ethnicity), by using a comparative historical approach incorporating structural change and strategic agency. The analysis revolves around the partly enduring, partly changing oligarchic structures. The choice of the countries rests primarily upon the composition of their respective oligarchic classes. In Guatemala, the despotic agrarian oligarchs have dominated for much of the past century; whereas in Ecuador, the oligarchy was divided into an agrarian and a modernist fraction. Scholars often locate ethnic politicisation in Latin America within the context of a shift from ‘national popular’ and ‘corporatist’ political orders toward political and economic liberalisation. This shift supposedly unleashed ethnic identities which were previously subordinated by the way indigenous communities were politically incorporated. This study shows that dramatic openings for ethnic politicisation in the 1990s occurred where corporatism had been weak and oligarchic structures persisted. But the elites were unable to use ethnicity as a tool for hegemonic control. Due to the oligarchic legacy, class discourses could not be prevented from being reproduced, and ethnic ones were politicised in a way that is dysfunctional to the elites’ effort to politically disarm the rural poor. Another finding is that the persisting influence of the agrarian oligarchy made the Guatemalan movement more focused on the land struggle and more unwilling/unable to integrate into the political arena prescribed by those in control of the state. In Ecuador, the demise of the agrarian oligarchy and the rise of a strong neo-liberal fraction constituted the context within which the movement moved away from the land struggle. It accessed the ethno-political spaces more firmly but resembled the Guatemalan movement in keeping its strategy of mass mobilisation.

SOUZA, Enilce Lima Cavalcante de. Campo e palavras: dimensões da Questão Agrária no Ceará, 1954-1964. 2005. 259f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Historia, Fortaleza (CE), 2005. / Submitted by Gustavo Daher (gdaherufc@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-12T11:22:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2005_dis_elcsouza.pdf: 8876462 bytes, checksum: dede7841fef77ef6c18df6d18e6fd288 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-09-13T12:17:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2005_dis_elcsouza.pdf: 8876462 bytes, checksum: dede7841fef77ef6c18df6d18e6fd288 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-13T12:17:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2005_dis_elcsouza.pdf: 8876462 bytes, checksum: dede7841fef77ef6c18df6d18e6fd288 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / The present study aims at discussing some dimensions of the Agrarian Question in Ceará, between 1954 and 1964. At the beginning, we analyze the debates about the agrarian legislation, land concentration, migration and violence, through Fortal eza newspapers. This research also looks into the social communication ways towards the peasant struggle, trough Terra Livre newspaper, as memory and document that allows an inventory of peasant struggle in Ceará. We demonstrate that its articles allows us to learn many debates levels, in that context, between the 40’s middles and the 60’s beginning as well as some dimensions of peasant culture and militants memories. / Este trabalho estuda as dimensões da Questão Agrária no Ceará, entre 1954 e 1964. Na primeira parte, à vista dos periódicos de Fortaleza, foram analisados os debates acerca da legislação agrária, a concentração fundiária, a migração e a violência como faces da Questão Agrária no Ceará. Na segunda parte, incorpora -se a análise das formas de comunicação social voltadas à luta camponesa, pelo jornal Terra Livre, como documento e memória, oferecendo o inventário das lutas camponesas no Ceará e demonstrando que seu conteúdo possibilita apreender variados níveis do debate, nas conjunturas, entre meados de 1940 e início da década de 1960, bem como dimensões da cultura camponesa e das memórias militantes.

This article studies the ideology which oriented the revolutionary activity of the guerrillas in Peru in 1965. The article argues that in those areas where there were strong peasant organizations the guerrillas were not successful because they were viewed as outsiders. The social and ideological composition of the principal actors (the peasants and the guerrillas) are analyzed, as well as the interaction between the two. The article aims to provide a new reading of the radical leftist guerrilla movements which arose in the mid-sixties. / La ideología que guió la acción revolucionaria de las guerrillas en el Perú en 1965 es el tema del presente artículo. Este sostiene que en aquellas zonas donde hubo una fuerte organización campesina, la guerrilla no tuvo éxito porque fue vista como un elemento externo. En el texto se analizan la composición social e ideología de los principales agentes sociales (campesinos y guerrilleros) y la interacción entre ambos. En suma, se trata de una nueva lectura del accionar de los grupos de izquierda radical a mediados de la década de 1960.

Dans l’État mexicain du Chiapas et aux Philippines sur l’île de Mindanao, on retrouve des groupes paysans en révolte contre leurs gouvernements respectifs. À l’origine de ce conflit, on souligne une situation alimentaire difficile et des revendications concernant la terre, son partage et son usage. L’objectif de ce mémoire est de comparer les différents résultats que peuvent avoir des mobilisations sociopolitiques de type belliqueux et pacifique sur la situation alimentaire de populations paysannes. Pour y parvenir, le concept original de profil alimentaire est élaboré, se situant entre les notions de sécurité et de souveraineté alimentaire. Les hypothèses de recherche sont qu’une mobilisation sociopolitique belliqueuse entraîne une amélioration forte du profil alimentaire, qu’une mobilisation sociopolitique pacifique entraîne une amélioration notable du profil alimentaire et que l’absence de mobilisation laisse le profil alimentaire dans un état statique. Ce mémoire, utilisant l’anthropologie politique comme méthode de recherche et d’analyse, réussit à asseoir le concept de profil alimentaire qui permet de souligner l’évolution de la qualité d’alimentation et des pratiques agricoles. / In the Mexican state of Chiapas and in the Philippines’ island of Mindanao, peasant groups are in rebellion against their respective governments. Directly linked to the nature of these two conflicts are precarious food situations, and claims about the way to use and to divide land. The main objective of this thesis is to compare the different results that can be provided by sociopolitical mobilisations of violent and peaceful nature. In order to reach that objective, the genuine concept of food profile is elaborated, merging both the food security and sovereignty concepts. The hypotheses of that thesis are that a violent mobilisation leads to a significant improvement of the food profile, that a peaceful mobilisation leads to an appreciable improvement of the food profile and that the absence of mobilisation leads to the stagnation of the food profile. Using political anthropology as a method of research and analysis, this thesis succeeds in using the concept of food profile to underline the evolution of the food quality and of the agricultural practices.