Social psychological processes underlying intergroup behaviour should be placed in their sociostructural contexts. Previous experimental studies have usually created groups that do not differ on sociostructural dimensions such as group numbers, power, and status. The impact of these factors on intergroup behaviour constituted the major aim of the present research. Predictions were formulated assuming that individuals are motivated to achieve a positive social identity (Tajfel & Variants of the "minimal group" paradigm see Tajfel & Turner, 1979) were used, first, to replicate previous minimal group results, and second, to assess the independent and combined effects of power, status, and group as in previous studies, allocation matrices developed by Tajfel and his colleagues were the main dependent measures. Unlike previous studies, these were supplemented with extensive possession questionnaire items that included items on social identifications and various intergroup perceptions. First, the classic minimal group discrimination effect, replicated under conditions of equal group numbers, power, and status, was eliminated when group members had little or no power (study 2). Categorization per se was net sufficient for intergroup discrimination. Without usable power, minimal group members did net discriminate. However, categorization per se was sufficient in eliciting prejudice. Second, results of this research clearly shewed that increases in group status and group power led to concomitant increases in matrix discrimination. Membership in minority groups polarised these patterns of behaviour (and perceptions) more than membership in majority groups. Status was the best predictor of social identification (and related perceptions), while power best predicted actual behaviour. In conclusion, evidence from these studies indicated that group numbers, power, and status, independently and in combination, have a strong impact on intergroup behaviour and perceptions. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Much research has been conducted on the police-minority relationship, primarily from the view of the civilian. As central actors, the police view is noticeably absent from the research. I employed in-depth interviews and open-ended survey questions of patrol officers and sergeants in the Novad Texas Police Department about their views on the police-minority relationship and racial profiling. Through content analysis of the data, I examined two common themes that emerged from the discourse. The first was how "the past" was used to frame contemporary police-minority relations. The dominant narrative was that the historical police-minority relationship was something minorities should "get over" as those practices no longer applied to the current relationship. Counter views to this narrative acknowledged both past and present practices as influential. The second theme that emerged during the discussion of racial profiling was the primacy of socio-spatial control, encapsulated in one officer's comment about a "white boy in a no white boy zone." For many of the officers, control of predominantly minority and predominantly white neighborhoods meant that individuals who "did not fit" those respective spaces were subject to increased law enforcement attention. The frequency of the "white boy in a no white boy zone" scenario specifically, and not the reverse scenario that currently charges the debate surrounding racial profiling, suggests that the officers were more comfortable discussing the sensitive issue of racial profiling in this manner. Three additional areas were examined. The "out of place" doctrine evident in the officers' discussions of racial profiling creates a dilemma for the police officer because the doctrine may be considered both an effective police practice given current community policing initiatives and one that enforces the racial order in the United States. Secondly, statistical discrimination theory was employed by some of the officers to rationalize the targeting of minorities and minority space. Finally, some of the officers discussed the conflux of race/ethnicity with class, and viewed "profiling" of particular groups as based in socioeconomic status.

This dissertation examines factors that explain interactions between undergraduate African and African American students enrolled at one Historically Black University (HBCU). It explores beliefs, cultural and contextual factors that shed light on interactions across the two categories of students. The research 1) identifies factors that explain inter‐group interaction; 2) analyzes identified factors; and 3) examines their impact on overall attitudes, behaviors, interactions, and relations across the two groups. Identity theory and social identity theory are applied to explain interaction patterns. Both theoretical frameworks acknowledge the importance of the individual’s goals and purposes and apply conceptions of the self in exploring identity formation. While identity theory focuses on social structural arrangements and the link between persons, social identity theory focuses on characteristics of situations in which the identity may be activated. These theories show how interpersonal and intergroup interactions merge into identities, generate and change social limitations, and build social relationships. Data were collected using surveys and through in‐depth individual and focusgroup interviews. Thirty‐one (31) participants were interviewed individually, and three focus‐group interviews were conducted with 14, 16 and 17 participants respectively. Two more large‐group sessions of 33 and 51 participants also contributed information for the study. Participants were observed in their university setting. Web documents and course syllabi were analyzed for applicable information. The study finds that cultural differences, perceptions and misconceptions about the out‐group, and lack of balanced knowledge about the out‐group, contribute to minimal inter‐group interaction. In addition, increased intercultural knowledge and exposure lead to enhanced inter‐group identification and interaction, and ultimately functioned to minimize misconceptions and advance inter‐group understanding. Understanding cultural and other differences between Africans and African Americans as an integral part of inter‐group relationships enables people to be more accepting and accommodating of difference and of one another. Also, engaging members of both groups in discussions about inter‐group interactions raised awareness and developed in them a critical stance toward their own responsiveness to others they may consider different.

No / Although Iran is one of the most diverse nations in the Middle East, the state historically has been reluctant to adapt a pluralistic approach to both socio-political and economic development. This chapter focuses on the Sunni population in Iran, which is often overlooked in studies dealing with state-minority relations in Iran. It examines the socio-economic challenges of the Sunni population under both the Pahlavi dynasty and the Islamic Republic. Although the Islamic Republic based its ideology both on redistribution of wealth and empowerment of the impoverished, the ethnic Sunni Iranians who lived in the most impoverished regions of the country received very little attention from the new post-revolutionary order.

This thesis examines the function of music within different theories of nationalism and the appropriation of folk music within the genre of min’ge. Min’ge, a term in Chinese which directly translates to “folk songs”, has generally been defined as oral musical traditions. However, due to the increased politicization of popular music since the 1930s, the nature folk music has fundamentally changed, reflecting its new significance within Chinese nationalism. Through the years, min’ge has become more useful to promoting the goals of the state than representing the musical traditions of the many different ethnic groups in China. This transformation has established min’ge as an important extension of the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) cultural policy, and the manipulation of folk music has asserted the CCP’s cultural hegemony. Ultimately, this cultural hegemony has important implications on Han-minority relations and highlights certain dynamics within Chinese nationalism. Despite its limited and distorted representation of minorities, however, the popularization of min’ge has also inspired minority musicians to reclaim their identities through music. Therefore, this paper explores both the cooptation and contestation of state-promoted identities through the medium of popular folk music.

This study deals with the ethnopolitical mobilization among the Sami in Sweden during the first half of the 20th century. The investigation focus on why this mobilization took place, the demands the Sami made, and the strategies used to achieve these goals. Opposition towards the Swedish Sami policy was the most important reason for the political mobilization among the Sami. Both the formation of the Sami policy at the central administrative level, and the implementation of the policy at the regional and local level by the Lapp administration were criticised. During the first half of the period of investigation the Sami protests focused on policy decisions at central government level. During the later half of the period, it was the actions of the Lapp administration that triggered Sami activity. The central demands brought forward by the Sami movement concerned the position of the Sami in Swedish society. At the beginning of the period the Swedish Sami policy was based on the so called "Lapp shall remain Lapp" ideology. The Sami were looked upon as a reindeer herders by nature, who were weak and could not protect themselves against civilization, which was viewed as a threat to the cultural survival of the Sami. Therefore, they were to be protected by being segregated from the surrounding society. Only the reindeer herding Sami, however, were considered to be Sami which meant that a majority of the Sami population was not included in the Swedish Sami policy. A cultural boundary was drawn, which separated the Sami population into two large segments. Because of this, the main demands of the Sami movement were that the Sami should be granted an equal position in the Swedish society and that the Sami policy should include more aspects than just reindeer herding.Two main strategies were adopted by the Sami leaders to achieve the goals of the Sami movement. The first was to try to create a network of local Sami societies within a national Sami organization. As in Swedish society group interests were represented by a number of different organizations, Sami organizations were a precondition if the Sami were to be able to hold a dialogue with the Swedish authorities. However, during the period of investigation the Sami movement failed in its attempts to form a national Sami organization, which weakened the movement. The second strategy was directed at achieving more limited gains through goal-oriented actions, where the Sami were mobilized for shorter periods behind different demands. This second strategy was more successful during the period of investigation. However, ultimately the creation of a national Sami organization, was found to be a requirement if the Sami movement was to be able to influence the Swedish Sami policy. The formation of Svenska Samernas Riksförbund (National Union of the Swedish Sami) in 1950 was therefore an important step for the Sami movement.

This study is concerned with the concept of internationalisation as a tool for disadvantaged minorities to affect change in their situation. This phenomenon has been studied widely with respect to authoritarian regimes and later on with liberal Western democracies. The current study has focussed on the state of Israel and the situation of its Palestinian Arab minority to investigate the origins and purposes of internationalisation, the extent to which these efforts have achieved the objectives that were set, and whether this process is in any sense capable of achieving them. The analysis shows that the internationalisation process whereby the Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel sought to reclaim their rights by invoking the support of the international community has emerged in the 1950s. It came to be perceived as necessary because internal legal and political processes were understood to be insufficient to achieve any redress for their grievances. The Arab leadership in Israel articulates internationalisation as a strategy designed to invoke the norms of democracy to question the conduct of successive Israeli governments, and counter the narrative offered by them on the world stage. The internationalisation strategy is seen to undergo a profound transformation from public memoranda, to civil and legal advocacy by invoking international conventions and treaties and finally to personal diplomacy. The results show that it is not a zero sum game; it is an especially effective method in different ways and with varying degrees of success. It created an extension of the critique of Israel’s treatment of Palestinians in the Occupied Territories to its Palestinian minority. Using the international law in the modality of legal advocacy to compel the Israeli state to adhere to the commitments it had made by acceding to an international convention, proved more effective than mere political pressure. Another factors such as the nature of the claims, geopolitical circumstances, global momentum, and domestic politics are crucial as well for the success of the internationalisation. Yet, Israel’s response varied in particular cases to minimise external critics, and its respect for the international law was uttered by utilitarian justification to protect its reputation. The application of the social constructivist boomerang-spiral model to the process of internationalisation is deemed to be a particularly effective instrument to explore both the potential and the limits of the process of compelling the Israeli state to conform to internationally supported norms. The results of this study demonstrate that the construction of the state’s identity as a Jewish and concerns over national security are potentially in conflict with the egalitarian democratic norms that it claims to be governed by. The implications of these two elements for the operation of the Israeli state has resulted in a failure to fully integrate its Arab citizens. The Nation-State Law of 2018 reinforces the legal and systematic discrimination against the Palestinians in Israel and explains why internationalisation has not been successful. 443 It is the first comprehensive investigation into a selected series of case studies that document international appeals made by Israel’s Arab elite due to three chronological periods: 1948-1979, 1992- 2013 and 2015 onwards. On a theoretical level, it is the first time that the spiral model has been tested in the context of Israel and its Arab minority. This can serve as a strategic information source for Arab MKs, NGOs and Israeli decision makers.

Ce mémoire vise à comprendre comment les personnes de minorité vietnamienne de deuxième génération au Québec négocient leur rapport au groupe majoritaire au prisme de leur expérience socioscolaire. Cette recherche part du constat d’un écart entre l’image de la communauté vietnamienne au Québec comme une minorité modèle, c’est-à-dire un groupe minoritaire qui a connu une intégration réussie, et la présence d’une barrière entre le « nous » vietnamien et le « eux » québécois. Je m’intéresse ainsi à saisir ces tensions sous l’angle de rapports majoritaires-minoritaires. Deux concepts principaux ont été mobilisés pour rendre compte de ces négociations : celui de la blanchité et de la racialisation. Les concepts des frontières ethniques et de l’identification ont aussi été retenus dans le but de comprendre comment ces négociations s’articulent au processus d’identification de cette population. Cette recherche qualitative se base sur treize entretiens semi-dirigés et sur une analyse thématique de ceux-ci. Les résultats de la recherche montrent des négociations avec la blanchité et le vécu d’expériences de racialisation dans les interactions avec les acteurs significatifs de la sphère scolaire, tels que les pairs et le personnel enseignant. La blanchité est principalement vécue comme une norme imposée et inatteignable pour les personnes racialisées. Les témoignages des jeunes Vietnamien·ne·s soulignent par ailleurs la racialisation des personnes asiatiques comme étant à la fois des minorités modèles et des éternel·le·s étranger·ère·s. De plus, les récits des participant·e·s mettent en évidence les processus d’exclusion, d’infériorisation et de hiérarchisation auxquels font face les personnes de minorité vietnamienne de deuxième génération au Québec. Ces processus s’articulent également au processus d’identification des participant·e·s et limitent leur choix d’identification. Ces négociations affectent aussi la manière dont les personnes de minorité vietnamienne de deuxième génération appréhendent la culture vietnamienne et la culture québécoise. / This master’s thesis aims to understand how second-generation Vietnamese people in Quebec negotiate their relationship with the majority group through the lens of their socio-educational experience. This research begins with the observation that there is a gap between the image of the Vietnamese community in Quebec as a model minority, that is, a minority group that has successfully integrated, and the presence of a barrier between the Vietnamese “us” and the Quebec “them.” I am interested in understanding these tensions and will be examining them through the lens of majority-minority relations. Two main concepts have been mobilized to examine these negotiations: whiteness and racialization. The concepts of ethnic boundaries and identification were also used in order to understand how these negotiations relate to the identification process of this population. This qualitative research is based on thirteen semi-structured interviews and a thematic analysis of them. The research results show negotiations with whiteness and lived experiences of racialization in the participants’ interactions with key actors in the educational sphere, such as peers and teachers. Whiteness is primarily experienced as an imposed and unattainable norm for racialized individuals. The participants’ stories also highlight the racialization of Asian people as both model minorities and perpetual foreigners. In addition, the participants' narratives bring to light the processes of exclusion, inferiorization and hierarchization faced by second-generation Vietnamese people in Quebec. These processes are also articulated in the participants' identification process and limit their choices of identification. These negotiations also affect the way in which second-generation Vietnamese people view Vietnamese culture and Quebec culture.