Esta investigação tem o objetivo de comparar as duas primeiras gramáticas produzidas sobre o quechua no século XVI. A primeira, Grammatica o arte de la lengua general de los incas de los reynos del Peru, foi escrita pelo dominicano Domingo de Santo Tomás (1499-1570) e publicada em Valladolid, no ano de 1560. A segunda, Arte y vocabulario en la lengua general del Peru llamada quichua, y en la lengua española, de autoria anônima, surgiu das atividades do Terceiro Concílio Limenho (1582-1583) e foi publicada em Lima, no ano de 1586. A hipótese inicial deste trabalho é a de que ambos os textos configuram modelos distintos de descrição gramatical da língua-objeto, se levadas em consideração as especificidades históricas e políticas que contextualizam a produção e circulação das duas gramáticas examinadas. Do ponto de vista lingüístico, os textos gramaticais materializam continuidades e descontinuidades em relação ao repertório gramatical latino de base e em relação ao quadro universalista renascentista que situa tais produções. Procurou-se demonstrar que o tratamento dos metatermos gramaticais e as opções metodológicas verificadas em cada caso encaminham concepções distintas para o homem e a língua quechua e diferentes projetos de colonização para o Peru do século XVI. / This report has the objective to compare the two first grammar books produced by the quechua in the sixteenth century. The first one Grammatica o arte de la lengua general de los incas de los reynos del Peru, was written by the Dominican Domingo de Santo Tomás (1499-1570) and published in Valladolid, in the year of 1560. The second one, Arte y vocabulario en la lengua general del Peru llamada quichua, y en la lengua española, whose author is unknown, came up during the activities of the Third Concilio Limenho (1582-1583) and it was published in Lima, in 1586. The first hypothesis of this work is that both texts have distinct patterns of grammatical descriptions of the language-object, if taken into consideration the political and historical specificities which contextualize the production and the circulation of both examined grammars. From the linguistic point of view, the grammar texts materialize the continuity and the lack of continuity related both to the Latin grammar repertoire basis and in relation to the renaissentist universalistic scenery where such productions are. Trying to demonstrate that the grammatical metaterms and the methodological options verified in each case have different conceptions for the man and the language quechua and different projects of Colonization for Peru in the sixteenth century.

O objetivo geral deste Trabalho, contextualizado no campo da historiografia linguística, é proceder a um estudo sistemático sobre a emergência e o desenvolvimento da produção gramatical quéchua, em âmbito hispano-americano, entre os séculos XVI e XIX. Para tanto, buscamos examinar os domínios contextuais/institucionais, documentais e metodológicos que organizam as práticas linguísticas, nesse contexto, em perspectiva historiográfica. Tencionamos, ainda, de maneira específica, mapear a sistematização da metalinguagem gramatical relativa à categoria de caso nominal nos nomes substantivos, na língua andina, observando as continuidades e descontinuidades das perspectivas linguísticas que enquadram tal categoria no plano metodológico. Os autores considerados nesta Investigação são os seguintes: Santo Tomás (1560), Anônimo (1586), González Holguín (1607), Huerta (1616), Torres Rubio (1619), Roxo Mexia y Ocón (1648), Aguilar (1690), Melgar (1691), Nieto Polo (1753), Mossi (1857), Montaño (1864), Nodal (1872), Anchorena (1874), Mossi (1889), Paris (1892) e Grimm (1896). / The general objective of this report, contextualized in the field of linguistic historiography, is to carry out a systematic study about the emergence and development of Quechua grammar production, in Spanish-American context, between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries. To this end, we seek to examine the contextual / institutional, documentary and methodological areas that organize linguistic practices in historiographical perspective. We also intended, on a specific way, to map the systematization of grammatical metalanguage related to the category of nominal case at the nouns names, in the Andean language, observing the continuities and discontinuities of linguistic perspectives that fits in this category on the methodological plane. The authors considered in this research are the following: Santo Tomás (1560), Anônimo (1586), González Holguín (1607), Huerta (1616), Torres Rubio (1619), Roxo Mexia y Ocón (1648), Aguilar (1690), Melgar (1691), Nieto Polo (1753), Mossi (1857), Montaño (1864), Nodal (1872), Anchorena (1874), Mossi (1889), Paris (1892) and Grimm (1896).

Esta investigação tem o objetivo de comparar as duas primeiras gramáticas produzidas sobre o quechua no século XVI. A primeira, Grammatica o arte de la lengua general de los incas de los reynos del Peru, foi escrita pelo dominicano Domingo de Santo Tomás (1499-1570) e publicada em Valladolid, no ano de 1560. A segunda, Arte y vocabulario en la lengua general del Peru llamada quichua, y en la lengua española, de autoria anônima, surgiu das atividades do Terceiro Concílio Limenho (1582-1583) e foi publicada em Lima, no ano de 1586. A hipótese inicial deste trabalho é a de que ambos os textos configuram modelos distintos de descrição gramatical da língua-objeto, se levadas em consideração as especificidades históricas e políticas que contextualizam a produção e circulação das duas gramáticas examinadas. Do ponto de vista lingüístico, os textos gramaticais materializam continuidades e descontinuidades em relação ao repertório gramatical latino de base e em relação ao quadro universalista renascentista que situa tais produções. Procurou-se demonstrar que o tratamento dos metatermos gramaticais e as opções metodológicas verificadas em cada caso encaminham concepções distintas para o homem e a língua quechua e diferentes projetos de colonização para o Peru do século XVI. / This report has the objective to compare the two first grammar books produced by the quechua in the sixteenth century. The first one Grammatica o arte de la lengua general de los incas de los reynos del Peru, was written by the Dominican Domingo de Santo Tomás (1499-1570) and published in Valladolid, in the year of 1560. The second one, Arte y vocabulario en la lengua general del Peru llamada quichua, y en la lengua española, whose author is unknown, came up during the activities of the Third Concilio Limenho (1582-1583) and it was published in Lima, in 1586. The first hypothesis of this work is that both texts have distinct patterns of grammatical descriptions of the language-object, if taken into consideration the political and historical specificities which contextualize the production and the circulation of both examined grammars. From the linguistic point of view, the grammar texts materialize the continuity and the lack of continuity related both to the Latin grammar repertoire basis and in relation to the renaissentist universalistic scenery where such productions are. Trying to demonstrate that the grammatical metaterms and the methodological options verified in each case have different conceptions for the man and the language quechua and different projects of Colonization for Peru in the sixteenth century.

O objetivo geral deste Trabalho, contextualizado no campo da historiografia linguística, é proceder a um estudo sistemático sobre a emergência e o desenvolvimento da produção gramatical quéchua, em âmbito hispano-americano, entre os séculos XVI e XIX. Para tanto, buscamos examinar os domínios contextuais/institucionais, documentais e metodológicos que organizam as práticas linguísticas, nesse contexto, em perspectiva historiográfica. Tencionamos, ainda, de maneira específica, mapear a sistematização da metalinguagem gramatical relativa à categoria de caso nominal nos nomes substantivos, na língua andina, observando as continuidades e descontinuidades das perspectivas linguísticas que enquadram tal categoria no plano metodológico. Os autores considerados nesta Investigação são os seguintes: Santo Tomás (1560), Anônimo (1586), González Holguín (1607), Huerta (1616), Torres Rubio (1619), Roxo Mexia y Ocón (1648), Aguilar (1690), Melgar (1691), Nieto Polo (1753), Mossi (1857), Montaño (1864), Nodal (1872), Anchorena (1874), Mossi (1889), Paris (1892) e Grimm (1896). / The general objective of this report, contextualized in the field of linguistic historiography, is to carry out a systematic study about the emergence and development of Quechua grammar production, in Spanish-American context, between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries. To this end, we seek to examine the contextual / institutional, documentary and methodological areas that organize linguistic practices in historiographical perspective. We also intended, on a specific way, to map the systematization of grammatical metalanguage related to the category of nominal case at the nouns names, in the Andean language, observing the continuities and discontinuities of linguistic perspectives that fits in this category on the methodological plane. The authors considered in this research are the following: Santo Tomás (1560), Anônimo (1586), González Holguín (1607), Huerta (1616), Torres Rubio (1619), Roxo Mexia y Ocón (1648), Aguilar (1690), Melgar (1691), Nieto Polo (1753), Mossi (1857), Montaño (1864), Nodal (1872), Anchorena (1874), Mossi (1889), Paris (1892) and Grimm (1896).

Ce travail de recherche porte sur la grammatisation du vietnamien. Nous avons étudié les ouvrages grammaticaux, composés en latin puis en français, par des missionnaires de diverses congrégations, des administrateurs coloniaux et des grammairiens vietnamiens et français entre 1651 et 1919. L’objectif était de montrer dans un premier temps comment le modèle de la grammaire latine opère dans cette grammatographie, en mettant l’accent sur les spécificités de la langue vietnamienne, telles que les auteurs les ont dégagées. Nous avons mis en évidence, dans un deuxième temps, les conditions, les formes et les effets de la transition du modèle latin vers le modèle français dans la description de la langue et en particulier l’évolution de la conception des parties du discours pendant toute la période considérée.Cette thèse porte aussi sur la création de l’écriture romanisée du vietnamien (quốc ngữ) et sur l’histoire des conceptions linguistiques qui la sous-tendent. Nous avons cherché à comprendre selon quelle logique les missionnaires jésuites des premières générations ont transcrit le vietnamien en ayant recours à l’alphabet du latin et à celui des langues romanes. Nous avons retracé l’évolution de cette écriture. L’étude des manuscrits écrits en vietnamien romanisé nous a aussi permis de faire l’histoire des changements du système consonantique vietnamien depuis le 17e jusqu’au début du 20e siècle. Nous avons montré également quels facteurs religieux, culturels et politiques ont pesé sur cette histoire. L’étude des rapports adressés à leurs supérieurs par les jésuites (à partir de 1615) et par les pères des Missions Étrangères de Paris (à partir de 1663) nous a permis de mettre en lumière le rôle de cette écriture, d’abord comme moyen d’apprentissage destiné aux prêtres étrangers, puis comme moyen de communication entre les missionnaires et les prêtres autochtones. Enfin, nous avons étudié les débats relatifs aux systèmes d’écriture et les choix qu’ils ont entraînés, s’agissant de la politique linguistique menée par l’administration coloniale française en Cochinchine et au Tonkin. Le quốc ngữ est introduit dans l’enseignement en 1861 ; il est ensuite promu écriture officielle et remplace les sinogrammes chez les lettrés et dans les actes administratifs ou juridiques après l’abolition des concours de recrutement des mandarins en 1919. / This research focuses on the “grammatization” of Vietnamese language. We have studied grammatical works, composed in Latin and then in French, by missionaries of various congregations, colonial administrators and Vietnamese grammarians between 1651 and 1919. The objective was to show first how the model of Latin grammar operates in this grammatography, focusing on the specificities of the Vietnamese language, as identified by the missionaries. We have then reviewed the grammars written in Latin and French in order to highlight the effects of the transition from the Latin to the French model in the description of the language and in particular the evolution of the conception of the parts of the discourse in the grammatical works throughout the period under consideration.This thesis focuses on the development of Vietnamese Romanized writing (quốc ngữ) and the history of the linguistic conceptions that underlie it, as well. We have tried to understand the logic that the pioneer Jesuit missionaries to Vietnam had used to transcribe the language and to explain their choice of spellings to record Vietnamese. We trace the stages of creation of this script and the evolution of spelling. Furthermore, the study of the manuscripts written in Romanized Vietnamese allows us to study the changes in the consonant system of Vietnamese from the Seventeenth Century to the early Twentieth Century. We also show the religious, political and cultural factors that have influenced all that history. The study of the relationship between the Jesuits (from 1615 onwards) and French missionaries (from 1663 onwards) highlights the changing role of the Romanized writing from a means of learning for foreign priests to a means of communication between missionaries and native priests. Finally, we examine the role played by debates on writing systems and the choices they have led to, in terms of the language policy pursued by the French colonial administration. Quốc ngữ was introduced into elementary education in 1861 and then promoted to the status of official writing, replacing Chinese characters after the abolition of the mandarin recruitment exams in 1919.

This dissertation presents the first full grammatical description of unprompted (spontaneous) speech in pidgin Chinook Jargon [synonyms Chinúk Wawa, Chinook]. The data come from a dialect I term ‘Kamloops Chinúk Wawa’, used in southern interior British Columbia circa 1900. I also present the first historical study and structural analysis of the shorthand-based ‘Chinuk pipa’ alphabet in which Kamloops Chinúk Wawa was written, primarily by Salish people. This study is made possible by the discovery of several hundred such texts, which I have transliterated and analyzed. The Basic Linguistic Theory-inspired (cf. Dixon 2010a,b) framework used here interprets Kamloops Chinúk Wawa as surprisingly ramified in morphological and syntactic structure, a finding in line with recent studies reexamining the status of pidgins by Bakker (e.g. 2003a,b, forthcoming) among others. Among the major findings: an unusually successful pidgin literacy including a widely circulated newspaper Kamloops Wawa, and language planning by the missionary J.M.R. Le Jeune, O.M.I. He planned both for the use of Kamloops Chinúk Wawa and this alphabet, and for their replacement by English. Additional sociolinguistic factors determining how Chinuk pipa was written included Salish preferences for learning to write by whole-word units (rather than letter by letter), and toward informal intra-community teaching of this first group literacy. In addition to compounding and conversion of lexical roots, Kamloops Chinúk Wawa morphology exploited three types of preposed grammatical morphemes—affixes, clitics, and particles. Virtually all are homonymous with and grammaticalized from demonstrably lexical morphs. Newly identified categories include ‘out-of-control’ transitivity marking and discourse markers including ‘admirative’ and ‘inferred’. Contrary to previous claims about Chinook Jargon (cf. Vrzic 1999), no overt passive voice exists in Kamloops Chinúk Wawa (nor probably in pan-Chinook Jargon), but a previously unknown ‘passivization strategy’ of implied agent demotion is brought to light. A realis-irrealis modality distinction is reflected at several scopal levels: phrase, clause and sentence. Functional differences are observed between irrealis clauses before and after main clauses. Polar questions are restricted to subordinate clauses, while alternative questions are formed by simple juxtaposition of irrealis clauses. Main-clause interrogatives are limited to content-question forms, optionally with irrealis marking. Positive imperatives are normally signaled by a mood particle on a realis clause, negative ones by a negative particle. Aspect is marked in a three-part ingressive-imperfective-completive system, with a marginal fourth ‘conative’. One negative operator has characteristically clausal, and another phrasal, scope. One copula is newly attested. Degree marking is largely confined to ‘predicative’ adjectives (copula complements). Several novel features of pronoun usage possibly reflect Salish L1 grammatical habits: a consistent animacy distinction occurs in third-person pronouns, where pan-Chinook Jargon 'iaka' (animate singular) and 'klaska' (animate plural) contrast with a null inanimate object/patient; this null and 'iaka' are non-specified for number; in intransitives, double exponence (repetition) of pronominal subjects is common; and pan-Chinook Jargon 'klaksta' (originally ‘who?’) and 'klaska' (originally ‘they’) vary freely with each other. Certain etymologically content-question forms are used also as determiners. Kamloops Chinúk Wawa’s numeral system is unusually regular and small for a pidgin; numerals are also used ordinally in a distinctly Chinook Jargon type of personal name. There is a null allomorph of the preposition 'kopa'. This preposition has additionally a realis complementizer function (with nominalized predicates) distinct from irrealis 'pus' (with verbal ones). Conjunction 'pi' also has a function in a syntactic focus-increasing and -reducing system. / Graduate