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Abstract This master thesis examines the development of the Islamic discourse on Internet, by a research of the two Islamic expressions ummah and Islamic state. As a platform for the research is a discussion about 9/11 used, in which Giovanna Borradori interviews Jürgen Habermas and Jacques Derrida about terrorism in the modern time. The research has been made in two steps, the first research is made in December 2005 and the second in February 2015. In the first research is the examined words study in BBS’s and blogs, and in the second case is same expressions examined in Twitter. As analyse method is Hans- - George Gadamers displacement of perspective used, to understand the movements in the discourse and the development of Islamic use of Internet. Manuel Castells thoughts about the network society and his work about the power of communication are used as a theorem to understand the Internet and its development in the last decades. The conclusion of this work is pointing at a progression in the use of Internet as a tool for communication in the Islamic community, and a displacement of perspective from western society as the primary enemy, through an internal religious movement to a more diversified conflict among different Islamic groups. Keywords: Internet, E-jihadism,, network society, Islamic, ummah, Islamic state, Twitter, blogs, BBS’s, mediated history, modern history

Arthur Ingram and Lionel Cranfield were part of the early modern phenomenon of social mobility, rising from humble merchants to titled gentlemen in one generation. Cranfield, especially, reached significant heights in a matter of years. Despite the fact both men have merited biographies which chart their commercial and political careers, little attention has been paid to their lives outside of the political sphere leaving room for an analysis of their family and personal estates and the extent to which they utilised their houses in their self-projection. The originality of this thesis lies in its comparison of the two men which not only highlights their dependency on each other and mutual advertisement of each other’s image, but also opens up the question of regional disparity in house building as Ingram’s country estates were situated in Yorkshire whereas Cranfield’s were mainly close to London. The first chapter introduces the issues of social mobility, self-fashioning, and regionality, provides a literature review and explains the methodology employed. Chapter 2 looks at the careers and families of Ingram and Cranfield before examining the ways in which they furthered their ascent through the fashioning of their attire, education and learning, and social networks. The thesis then focuses on the houses of both men, with Chapters 3 and 4 considering how they built and styled their houses. Chapter 5 examines the craftsmen and materials employed by Ingram and Cranfield on their building programmes and in particular the geographical location of their houses. Chapter 6 discusses the way Ingram and Cranfield furnished their residences and how their households were related to the local community, particularly in terms of hospitality. The gardens and grounds that surrounded their houses are the subject of Chapter 7. The thesis concludes with an evaluation of the significance of Ingram’s and Cranfield’s houses in the self-projection of their image and how far the geographical location of their residences affected how successful this was.

This thesis is an historical account of the development and dissemination of birth control knowledge in Scotland in the twentieth century up to 1975. The question posed is, given that Scotland in the twenty-first century has a higher rate of teenage pregnancies than most of Western Europe despite there being no restriction on the ability to access contraceptive advice, was advice always so readily available and if so from whom ? Post 1870 there was a pan European fertility decline which was mirrored in Scotland some forty years later. The debate amongst demographers and social historians is thus as to the causes of this fertility decline. Religion being cast as the impediment to the early development of the fertility decline ensured that an examination of the Roman Catholic versus Scottish Protestant views on birth control be explored. Historical accounts have considered that the desire for contraceptive advice was a phenomenon of the early years of the twentieth century and that letters to Marie Stopes were the first interactions between the general public and those competent to offer advice. However, the historical record shows that from the early years of the nineteenth century members of the public sought information on methods of birth control by writing to journals, a pattern that continued throughout the period covered by this thesis. Scotland remains distinctive from other parts of the UK by virtue of its separate legal system, both civil and criminal, its separate Church history with the parish church and state having been virtually one and the same and the rural parish church being a precursor of the local authorities. The employees of the local government authorities, the Medical Officers of Health were responsible, in agreement with their political masters of whatever hue, for the policies in relation to health and welfare adopted in a particular locality; in this case birth control advice. The administrative devolution of central government has meant that successive Scottish Secretaries of State have been able to obfuscate and hinder developments in Scotland which would have facilitated widespread dissemination of birth control advice and of course the fact that the NHS Acts in Scotland and England and Wales are distinct has ensured that legislative change has been delayed. The thesis draws upon medical and scientific journals and contemporary literature to set the scene by explicating the developments in the understanding of sexuality and reproductive physiology, a necessary precursor to the developments later in the twentieth century of the oral contraceptive pill and the impact that this preparation had on society, removing the procreative function of sexual intercourse from the hedonic. Thus freeing women from ‘the burden of pregnancy’ should they wish it, should it be available, from whom and at what cost. The politicians having debated from the 1930s to the 1970s the subject of contraceptive advice being available only to married women and initially, only available to those for whom a further pregnancy would be hazardous. Oral history testimony has been taken, and used to inform the discussion, from retired health care professionals, family planning nurses, GPs, family planning doctors, pharmacists and obstetricians as well as patients and retired clergymen who were involved in prescribing, dispensing, researching methods of contraception or in the case of the patients at the receiving end of the wisdom or ignorance of the professionals and of course in the case of the clergy advising on the moral questions in relation to the practice of birth control. In Glasgow, poor housing and social conditions, grassroots’ feminism and working class women were instrumental in establishing the first birth control clinics whereas in Edinburgh the Cooperative Women’s Guild organised public meetings to raise the issue and call on government to allow maternity centres to provide guidance and instruction in birth control to married women. In Aberdeen it was wealthy philanthropic women who promoted birth control ideals and facilitated the first birth control clinic in the north of Scotland. The issue however was politically sensitive, especially in the west of Scotland, as the Labour Party needed to secure the votes of the Roman Catholic Population. The medical profession were not at the forefront of providing this advice in part due to ignorance but also lack of interest and also not wishing to be seen as promoting immorality and offending the Church, a powerful body in Scotland. The Protestant and Catholic Churches in Scotland had an alliance condemning all acts of birth control until the 1930s when the clamour from the public forced politicians, heretofore virtually absent from the debate, to confirm what was and was not available at government expense. That guidance, similar to that offered in England, was not available to the public in Scotland as evidenced by contemporary accounts in the National Records of Scotland, merely highlights the differing attitudes of politicians in Scotland who at a local and national level were ever mindful not to risk offending the Roman Catholic Church’s teachings or risk suffering at the ballot box. Teaching of birth control techniques was absent from most medical schools in Scotland although Edinburgh University appointed a lecturer in family planning in 1946. Thus most young practitioners from Scottish medical schools remained ignorant and unable to help their patients even if willing to do so. Despite the Royal Commission on Population of 1949 recommending that advice on contraception to married persons be available, as part of the National Health Service, it was to take nearly another thirty years before contraceptive advice to all who wished it were freely available. In the intervening years the medical profession, although reluctant to become involved, had accepted initially that they could charge a fee for this private service and later that item of service payments for providing contraceptive advice was acceptable, although interviewees conceded that in many cases general practitioners were untrained to provide this service. This account of the history of the dissemination of birth control advice shows how the medical profession, initially uninterested in this subject, became, as reproductive physiology was better understood and with developments of hormonal manipulation of the menstrual cycle, to embrace contraception as a legitimate topic on which to provide advice to patients. The notion, of course, of general medical practitioners having responsibility for a group of patients unless as private practitioners was only apparent after the inception of the NHS.

Political cartoons as headline representation are in effect a combination of artistic licence and a critical version of the truth. Linley Sambourne and Jean Veber’s 1901 cartoons on the Boer War for Punch and L’Assiette au Beurre create tensions and dialectic not only on British and French feeling about foreign policy in South Africa and at home, but also indicate fine points on each publication’s editorial remit. This comparative study is a mirroring synthesis of these approaches that sets the Boer War forty five cartoons in context. Whereas Punch’s cartoons are set within a text layout and L’Assiette’s are the text themselves, both transmit set ideas on The Boer War as ‘sight bite’ news and opinion pieces. Veber’s cartoons offered swift knee-jerk reactions against the ruling elite and the horrors of British cruelty toward Boer prisoners as coverage of the war escalated in 1901. His extreme capturing of the zeitgeist followed the magazine’s editorial bent, but they also reflected his brave counter-hegemonic stance towards a French government seeking an alliance with its British counterpart. With this in mind, Antonio Gramsci’s theory on hegemony as applied to journalism allows the scholar to look at the media from a cultural perspective. This focus is used to show cartoons as representative of conflicts in the fight for power, but this time publicly conveyed to the readership. Thus, types of truth enhancements in each set of cartoons indicate the cartoonists’ respective entrenchment with, or detachment from, Imperial institutions, thereby signalling emerging attempts of the attitudinal persuasion of the reader toward Punch or L’Assiette’s political leanings. The inclusion of political cartoons in editorial pages was part of the cult of visual attention-grabbing news values that had become professionalised, industrialised and popularised by the early Twentieth Century. Cartoons can be decoded using Ernst Gombrich’s six-point filter in order to identify the cartoonist’s method of compressing messages about people and events. A publication’s politics are reflected in the telescoping of exaggerated opinions – an effective way to pass on an authoritatively saturated message to the readership. Gombrich recognised the power of conveying messages to the audience through seemingly incongruous placement of figures in odd situations within cartoons. His methodology acts as visual shorthand for images designed to elicit a desired response to a reported situation as the publication saw it. In the context of the history of journalism, his psychologically analytical approach is appropriate in the appreciation of cartoons’ extremes, often made more acute by the partisan politics of war.

The history of everyday life is an interesting historical branch, which brings the researcher a lot of information about family, work, entertainment, problems and other things that surround everyone and every day. In the same way, these things have influenced lives of our ancestors. The fascination with ordinary lives of early modern history is actually a desire to get to know oneself. Despite the fact that the outlook on everyday things may have changed during the centuries, what has not changed were the topics. The libri testimoniorum are a more than suitable source of information for everyday life research. Owing to the testimonies of the witnesses of the particular trials, the books unwittingly reveal many details about the life of early modern towns. Studies of these books bring motivation for researching not only the everyday history, but also culture and mentality history. Last but not least, it is important to mention research into criminality of early modern towns.

The aim of the dissertation is to present a set of memoirs preserved in Pilsen from the late 19th and the first half of the 20th century. Furthermore, it intends to incorporate these writings into a broader context within the research of personal sources. Therefore, the first chapter deals with the history of these sources as subjects of research interest and the possibilities of their use. In terms of methodology, the thesis wants to carry out a comprehensive analysis of a representative sample of these sources. At the same time, it assesses the internal and external features of the texts, but also addresses the life stories of individual authors and tries to reveal their possible motivations for the creation of these writings. Additionally, the dissertation seeks to compare the selected memoirs, especially in terms of their nature and content. It focuses on different methods of self-presentation of writers through these works and on the consolidation of their identities through recorded narratives. But it also deals with the ways of depicting the city of Pilsen and the changes in everyday life in its streets as well as with the reflection of major political events in the compared writings. Overall, the submitted thesis tries to contribute to a deeper understanding of the problematic and diverse era of modern history and to reveal the thought-world and behaviour of people at that time.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a relação entre milenarismo e razão de Estado no pensamento do calabrês, Tommaso Campanella (1568-1639), na tentativa de se compreender como esta ligação pauta o seu projeto de Monarquia Universal, no qual todos os povos seriam reunidos sob uma única fé e um único monarca. Para isso, dentre a numerosa produção do autor, foram escolhidas duas obras principais: Monarchia di Spagna (1595) e a Monarchia del Messia (1606-07), sem se desconsiderar, quando necessário, as devidas ilações com outros escritos do calabrês, assim como com obras e autores de época que tiveram alguma repercussão na construção de suas ideias. As duas obras escolhidas, como centrais no presente trabalho, apresentam alguns pontos em comum, permitindo, dessa maneira, serem analisadas dentro de um conjunto mais ou menos homogêneo. Quer dizer, nelas é possível perceber a íntima relação entre religião e política, tema nuclear no projeto de Monarquia Universal de Tommaso Campanella. / The purpose of this work is to analyze the relation between millenarianism and reason of State in Tommaso Campanellas works, expressed through his will of a Universal Monarchy, ruled by a single governor and in which there would be only one Christian faith. For this, among his several works, the two most important were chosen: Monarchia di Spagna (1595) and Monarchia del Messia (1606-1607). Those ones have some points in common, making possible a certain homogeneous analysis. The main issue in both works is the relation between political power and religion, a theme which is fundamental for understanding how the reason of State and his millenarianism thinking are related to each other. So, it will be analyzed the relation between millenarianism and politics in the Universal Monarchy purposed by the author, which its main characteristic was the union of temporal and spiritual powers.