Since 9/11, both in the Middle East and worldwide, the academic, political and religious focus on extreme radicalisation has intensified. The attacks carried out in Riyadh, the capital of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, by Al-Qaeda in 2003, motivated a succession of bombings within and outside of the Kingdom. These events have led to a plethora of general and specific studies to understand the phenomenon of extremism. This thesis investigates radicalisation in Saudi Arabia since 2001, focusing on the impact of Al-Qaeda and its impact on individuals and the state. It specifically focuses on the role of the Mohammed bin Naif Centre for Counselling, Rehabilitation and Care, in this context referred to as ‘the Centre’, analysing its function as a tool for the ‘soft power’ strategy that has been initiated by the Saudi Arabian Government, intended to de-radicalise individuals who are perceived by the state to have been misled. The study uses a detailed literature review to unpack the historical trends regarding the origins of Saudi Arabia, the political differences therein, as well as the different religious interpretations which are attributed as being a root cause of discontent which thereby leads to radicalisation and violent extremism in the region. In this thesis, I trace the various schools of thought regarding the treatment of religion and governance in relation to local and international politics, and how this impacts upon the radicalisation of individuals. A Critical Terrorism Studies (CTS) approach is used to highlight the need to view studies on security from a reflexive perspective, both in the researcher and the researched subject matter, namely the terrorist organisations and the governments against which they are fighting. The concept of governance is analysed and how this either precipitates or prevents dissent that results in violence. In addition, the political and religious solutions to radicalisation are assessed, with a specific focus on the de-radicalisation process, as reflected through a qualitative research on the views and thinking of the practitioners working in the Centre. In this context, I investigate the motives, roles, responsibilities and strategies used in executing their roles, with the aim of seeking possible explanations for the causes of radicalisation and the challenges faced in de-radicalising individuals. Their views are used to form the main basis for the data for this research. This study should be of interest to politicians, security experts, academics, religious leaders, Islamic scholars and interested individuals. It will be a valuable contribution towards an understanding of the causes, consequences and possible solutions to addressing Islamic extremism and radicalisation.

abstract: Hollywood's portrayal of African American men was replete with negative stereotypes before Shelton Jackson Lee, commonly known as Spike Lee, emerged as one of the most creative and provocative filmmakers of our time. Lee has used his films to perform a corrective history of images of black men, by referencing African American male icons in his narrative works. This strategy was evident in his third feature film, Do the Right Thing (1989). Baseball great Jackie Robinson, and freedom fighters, Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X, were the black male icons featured prominently in the film. The Brooklyn-raised filmmaker's film journals, published interviews, and companion books, have provided insight into his thoughts, motivations, and inspirations, as he detailed the impact of the black male historical figures he profiles in Do the Right Thing (1989), on his life and art. Lee deployed his corrective history strategy, during the 1980s, to reintroduce African American heroes to black youth in an effort to correct media portrayals of black men as criminal and delinquent. He challenged the dominant narrative in mainstream Hollywood films, such as Cry Freedom (1987) and Mississippi Burning (1989), in which white heroes overshadowed black male icons. Lee's work parallels recent scholarship on the history of African American males, as called for by Darlene Clarke Hine and Ernestine Jenkins. The prolific director's efforts to radically change stereotypical depictions of black men through film, has not gone without criticisms. He has been accused of propagating essentialist notions of black male identity, through his use of African American male icons in his films. Despite these alleged shortcomings, Lee's reintroduction of iconic figures such as Jackie Robinson, Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X, in Do the Right Thing (1989), marked the beginning of a wave of commemorative efforts, that included the retiring of Robinson's number forty-two by Major League Baseball, the popularization of the Martin Luther King National Holiday, and the rise of Malcolm X as a icon embraced by Hip Hop during the 1990's. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.A. History 2012

The eighteenth century saw the slow but steady rise of the middling classes to their nineteenth century social and cultural prominence, reinforced by a changing political landscape and the steadily increasing importance of the market. As the social and cultural power of the city burghers making up the majority of the middling classes grew, so did they start to consume in a manner to reflect to their new status in society. The question that arises then is more exactly how this group consumed, what types of objects that became important and what type of status that became the most paramount. Since status and social groups can differ greatly between both times and places, focus of this investigation is the burgher elite of Stockholm, the social, economical, and cultural centre of Sweden during the whole of the early modern era. By using a combination of Bourdieu's capital theories and Erving Goffman's theories on the presentation of self the inventories of fourteen elite burgher households has been analysed in order to investigate how these individuals constructed their home to present their own perceived social and cultural status. Through a thorough and theoretical investigation of these early modern front regions it can be revealed that the traditional representations of cultural capital, the main form of symbolic status capital, such as paintings and books, albeit important, constituted but a minor part of the capital presentation in the home. Instead it appears as if the most important status capital is presented through sociability, the ability to host social events or, if that option is unavailable, attend social events. Objects with the express function of sociability, such as tea- and dinner-ware, together with chairs, tables, and fashionable interior decoration suggests that sociability indeed stood at the forefront for the presentation of status for the late eighteenth century Stockholm burgher. At the same time, fashionability appears to have been extremely important, with almost all of the investigated households going to great lengths to stay up to date with the most recent trends in both furniture, colours, literature, and china. Much more research is however needed in order to really understand the structures of status and how it was expressed during the early modern times, and especially comparative studies between estate borders is needed in order to understand the status relations between social groups and how this affected status presentations.

L’oggetto della tesi di dottorato è l’analisi degli argomenti presenti nell’Antifebbronio, lavoro composto dal gesuita Francesco Antonio Zaccaria nel 1767. Nonostante il testo contiene numerose dissertazioni originali inerenti il primato papale, i poteri dell’episcopato e la censura dei libri, tematiche che furono oggetto di molte discussioni nella Chiesa cattolica, non esiste oggi qualche studio specifico sulle dottrine asserite dal gesuita. Per capire meglio le problematiche presenti nel suo lavoro e per approfondire alcuni aspetti della vita del gesuita è stato importante lo studio del Dello Stato della Chiesa del vescovo di Treviri Johannes Nikolaus von Hontheim, l’Elogio storico dell’abate Francescantonio Zaccaria del teologo Luigi Cuccagni e la Storia polemica delle proibizioni de’ libri scritta dallo stesso Zaccaria nel 1777. I lavori di Zaccaria e von Hontheim sono fondamentali per comprendere che all’interno della Chiesa di Roma esistevano visioni ecclesiologiche caratterizzate da elementi di notevole diversità. Inoltre l’Antifebbronio è un libro molto interessante per capire la mentalità della Compagnia di Gesù rispetto a questioni come i poteri del papa e dei vescovi. Nella tesi ho approfondito le reazioni del mondo cattolico italiano e della Chiesa di Roma inerenti le opinioni sostenute da Zaccaria nell’Antifebbronio. / The object of my thesis of doctorate is the analysis of the arguments present in Antifebbronio, work composed by the Jesuit Francesco Antonio Zaccaria in 1767. Despite the text contains numerous original dissertation inherents the papal primacy, the powers of the episcopate and the censorship of the books, thematic that were object of many discussions in the Catholic Church, it doesn’t exist today some specific study of the doctrines asserted by the Jesuit. To better understand the problematic presents in his work and to deepen some aspects of the life of the Jesuit it was important the study of Dello Stato della Chiesa of the Bishop of Treviri Johannes Nikolaus von Hontheim, l’Elogio storico dell’abate Francescantonio Zaccaria by theologian Luigi Cuccagni and the Storia polemica delle proibizioni de’ libri written by the same Zaccaria in 1777. The works of Zaccaria and von Hontheim are crucials to understand the existence of very different ecclesiological views inside the Church of Rome. Furthermore Antifebbronio is a very interesting work to understand the mentality of the Company of Jesus respect questions as the powers of the pope and the bishops. In the thesis i followed up the reactions of the italian catholic world and the Church of Rome inherents the opinions sustained by Zaccaria in Antifebbronio.

Cette thèse explore la question du réformisme musulman dans un contexte colonial. Afin d’en embrasser toutes lesdimensions, culturelles, sociales et politiques, elle envisage le phénomène transnational du réformisme à une échellelocale, à partir de la région du Mzab, dans le Sud algérien, en se fondant sur des écrits en langue arabe des oulémasibadites et des sources coloniales en langue française.Entre les années 1920 et 1960, des oulémas ibadites du Mzab s’approprient le mot d’ordre de la réforme (iṣlāḥ) pour donner un sens aux profonds changements que connaît la région depuis les années 1880 et son passage sous souveraineté française. Par ce slogan de la réforme, ceux qui se nomment « réformistes » s’emparent du magistère religieux et le transforment. Ils redéfinissent l’« orthodoxie » ibadite et redessinent les contours de leur communauté.Envisager l’Algérie à partir de l’une de ses sociétés sahariennes offre aussi une alternative au cadre d’analyse colonial. Cette thèse montre que les espaces de référence et de circulation des acteurs se construisent entre plusieurs échelles qui vont du local, la vallée du Mzab, à l’ensemble du monde majoritairement arabophone et musulman.Cette histoire ne provient pas que de l’interaction avec le fait colonial. Elle résulte également de l’autonomie historique des acteurs algériens. / This thesis explores the issue of Islamic reformism in a colonial context. In order to grasp every dimension of this issue, on a cultural, social and political level, this research considers the transnational phenomenon of reformism at a local scale, from the Mzab region in Southern Algeria, through sources written in Arabic by Ibadi scholars (‘ulāma) and in French by the colonising powers.From the 1920s to the 1960s, Ibadi scholars in the Mzab took over the slogan of Reform (Iṣlāḥ) to make sense of the profound changes affecting the area since the 1880s and its passage under French sovereignty. Through this slogan of reform, those who call themselves “reformists” seize the religious authority and transform it. They redefine Ibadi "orthodoxy" and redraw the boundaries of their community. Studying Algeria through one of its Saharan societies also offers an alternative to the analytical frame of colonial studies. This thesis shows that the people/historical actors circulate and think in different scales, ranging from local, the Mzab valley, to the entire Arabic-speaking and Muslim world. This history doesnot come merely from the interaction with colonialism. It also results from the historical autonomy of the Algerian agents.

Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2013-12-11T18:14:19Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Silva, Thiago-Dissert-2013.pdf: 1238016 bytes, checksum: 710c5e20b734029134781713bfd52bdd (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-12-11T18:14:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Silva, Thiago-Dissert-2013.pdf: 1238016 bytes, checksum: 710c5e20b734029134781713bfd52bdd (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Esta dissertação analisa especificamente o cargo de secretário de governo no centro-sul da América Portuguesa. O corte cronológico se dá entre 1688 (ano da criação do cargo para Angola) e 1750, ano que inicia uma década onde os secretários tiveram uma menor atuação. O texto toca no fenômeno do recrudescimento da escrita enquanto mecanismo de governo, discutindo o surgimento de poderosos secretários de Estado na Península Ibérica. Sobre os secretários que atuaram na América, foco da pesquisa, são discutidas suas carreiras, méritos, missões e os trabalhos cotidianos destes homens. Especial análise se dá sobre a relação destes funcionários especializados nos papéis com seus poderosos governadores. / This dissertation addresses the position of secretary of government in the Center-South zone of Portuguese America. It will be focused on the period between 1688 (when the same bureaucratic role was implemented in Angola) and 1750 – when the role played by this historical character begins to fade in importance. The text underlines the decrease of writing form usage as a administrative arrangement. The dissertation also debates the carriers, merits, missions and everyday life of the secretaries that worked in America. Our analysis is specially focused on the relations between these paperwork specialized officials with their powerful governors.

Warfare has long been associated with Scottish Highlanders and Islanders, especially in the period known in Gaelic tradition as ‘Linn nan Creach’ (the ‘Age of Forays’), which followed the forfeiture of the Lordship of the Isles in 1493. The sixteenth century in general is remembered as a particularly tumultuous time within the West Highlands and Isles, characterised by armed conflict on a seemingly unprecedented scale. Relatively little research has been conducted into the nature of warfare however, a gap filled by this thesis through its focus on a series of interconnected themes and in-depth case studies spanning the period c. 1544-1615. It challenges the idea that the sixteenth century and early seventeenth century was a time of endless bloodshed, and explores the rationale behind the distinctive mode of warfare practised in the West Highlands and Isles. The first part of the thesis traces the overall ‘Process of War’. Chapter 1 focuses on the mentality of the social elite in the West Highlands and Isles and demonstrates that warfare was not their raison d'être, but was tied inextricably to chiefs’ prime responsibility of protecting their lands and tenants. Chapter 2 assesses the causation of warfare and reveals that a recurrent catalyst for armed conflict was the assertion of rights to land and inheritance. There were other important causes however, including clan expectation, honour culture, punitive government policies, and the use of proxy warfare by prominent magnates. Chapter 3 takes a fresh approach to the military capacity of the region through analysis of armies and soldiers, and the final thematic chapter tackles the conduct of warfare in the West Highlands and Isles, with analysis of the tactics and strategy of militarised personnel. The second part of this thesis comprises five case studies: the Clanranald, 1544-77; the Colquhouns of Luss and the Lennox, 1592-1603; the MacLeods of Harris and MacDonalds of Sleat, 1594-1601; the Camerons, 1569-1614; and the ‘Islay Rising’, 1614-15. This thesis adopts a unique approach by contextualising the political background of warfare in order to instil a deeper understanding of why early modern Gaelic Scots resorted to bloodshed. Overall, this period was defined by a sharp rise in military activity, followed by an even sharper decline, a trajectory that will be evidenced vividly in the final case study on the ‘Islay Rising’. Although warfare was widespread, it was not unrestrained or continuous, and the traditional image of a region riven by perpetual bloodshed has been greatly exaggerated.

The challenge that faced Edwardian Britain was how to respond to poverty and related social problems. The Victorian ideas on poverty and philanthropy were under attack by the beginning of the twentieth century and had not been replaced by those of the mid to late twentieth century, large-scale state welfare. This meant that the first twenty years of the twentieth century were a time when there was no consensus on how to respond to poverty. The concern about poverty with the lives of the working-class highlighted by Booth, Rowntree and the Boer War led to the development of new responses to poverty. Two groups who attracted attention at this time were working-class women and children whose poverty and related problems were highlighted during the first two decades of the twentieth century. In Bradford there were developments in both the political and philanthropic spheres in response to poverty. This thesis seeks to add to the knowledge of the early twentieth century through focusing on responses to poverty within one English town, Bradford, concentrating on both the philanthropic and political community. No study has investigated the work of both the Guild of Help and the ILP together and examined how their work and their policies impacted on poverty in Bradford. The Guild of Help looked to alleviate the poverty of those best placed to help themselves whereas the ILP aimed to alleviate, if not eliminate problems for all of those in poverty. The working class in Bradford responded to poverty largely through the development of practical strategies that enabled them and their families to survive. They were not able to alleviate their own poverty on a long-term basis and in some cases needed outside assistance in order to survive. The main response of the philanthropic community was the establishment of the Bradford City Guild of Help. It aimed to provide a community wide response to poverty in Bradford and to act as a clearing-house for charity in order to eliminate fraud. This response of the Bradford charitable elite aimed to investigate personal circumstances and provide help in the form of advice rather than money. The Guild of Help looked to alleviate rather than eliminate poverty and helped those in the best position to practice self-help. Although its acceptance of a role of the state in areas that had had been the traditional preserve of charity showed that the Guild of Help had moved on from Victorian charity, it still aimed to preserve the status quo and would not advocate any measures that would change this. The knowledge built up by the Guild of Help in relation to the problems of working-class women and children ensured that it was well placed to deal with these problems. However it preferred to deal with each case on an individual basis by individual Helpers which meant that there was no consistency in dealing with the poverty of working class women and children. The major response from the political community came from the Independent Labour Party. The ILP looked to eliminate poverty and the social ills associated with it and if poverty could not be eliminated without a change in society, then the ILP advocated that society should be fundamentally changed. The ILP lacked a coherent plan to tackle poverty and related problems in Bradford and had little success in responding to problems such as unemployment. However, the ILP did make the issue of education their own and built on the work of Margaret McMillan in Bradford. The ILP did challenge traditional views on responsibility for children and their policies made a difference to the lives of working-class children.

This thesis explores divorce and judicial separation as it occurred in nineteenth-century Scotland, between the years 1830 and 1890, predating the phenomenon it came to be in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. As Scotland’s history has frequently been incorporated within a general history of Great Britain, this thesis separates it from the widely researched accounts of marriage and marital breakdown in England to highlight the different approach to regulating marriage, divorce and separation under Scots law. Applying Scotland’s distinctive legal, demographic and economic context has provided a social and gender history of marriage breakdown unique to the country, and filled a historiographical gap for the nineteenth century. This research will be presented through separate analyses of divorce for adultery, desertion—both official and unofficial, and marital cruelty in the civil and criminal courts. To present individual experiences inside the courtroom, Court of Session divorce and separation cases are used and supplemented with newspaper accounts of Court of Session trials. To provide context to the related discourses, Parliamentary papers and newspaper articles are used. Lastly, to address the unofficial instances of marital breakdown, criminal court trials of wifebeating and poor relief applications from deserted wives are also analysed. This thesis argues that despite comparably liberal divorce and separation laws established in the sixteenth century, legal, economic, social and cultural factors and discourses imposed on the accessibility of these legal forms of marital breakdown.

Andrei Tarkovsky (1932-1986) is remembered as one of Russia's most influential and celebrated filmmakers. Over the course of his career he released seven feature films: Ivan’s Childhood (1962); Andrei Rublev (1966, USSR release 1971); Solaris (1972); Mirror (1975); Stalker (1979); Nostalghia (1983); and The Sacrifice (1986). Drawing on a history of post-war Soviet cinema, this thesis brings his films into contact with the concepts outlined in Gilles Deleuze’s two radical books on film: Cinema 1: The Movement-Image and Cinema 2: The Time-Image. Deleuze's Cinema books provide a system of classifications – what he calls a taxonomy or geology – of cinematic images. While their primary focus is on Western-European and American cinema, this thesis re-conceives Deleuze’s approach to film outside of that narrow context. My approach is informed by the specific historical, cultural, and industrial contexts of Tarkovsky's films, establishing the first sustained encounter between Deleuze and post-war Soviet cinema. In doing so, I offer a fresh perspective on Deleuze’s cinema concepts by re-conceiving the division between his 'movement-image' and 'time-image' in the context of the post-war Thaw, the development of the Soviet space programme, Stagnation, and the escalation of nuclear threat following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.