U.S. strategy toward Southern Caucasus and Central Asia has not been studied sufficiently. The present study, which takes the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the subsequent independence of the states of CASC (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia) as its starting point, is probably the most detailed tracing of the evolution of U.S. strategy toward this specific region hitherto available. The study is methodologically committed to process-tracing and covers U.S. strategy toward CASC over a 15-year period covering three separate presidential administrations. A vast material has been collected and studied, and the primary contribution of the study is empirical. The study also sets out develop a neoclassical realist framework for analysing U.S. strategy, which introduces strategic culture as an intervening variable between the external actions of the U.S and the international environment.  The theory in this study is based on three pillars. The first is structural realism. With its focus on the international environment and the pressure that is exerts, the study accepts the systemic imperative described by structural realists. The second pillar is cultural/constructivist theory. The study presupposes the notion of malleable norms and identities promoted by such theories. The third and most important pillar is neoclassical realism, which aims at finding intervening variables between a state´s external actions and the international environment. The definition of U.S. strategic culture relies heavily on American political and diplomatic history, the main argument being that U.S. policymakers constantly draw on U.S. strategic culture and have strong incentives to frame their policies so as to be culturally acceptable. The strategic culture thus both constrains and enables actions. The framework contributes to the ongoing effort to bridge the gap between realist and constructivist perspectives. This study will demonstrate that U.S. strategy toward CASC was shaped by specific U.S. strategic culture to a considerable extent. Throughout the entire period studied, the declared goal of the U.S. was the integration of CASC into the community of liberal market democracies. One very important theoretical finding of this study is that U.S. strategic culture had a powerful impact on U.S. strategy, independently of international pressures. This study will also demonstrate that U.S. strategy was incoherent, inconsistent, bureaucratically uncoordinated, susceptible to domestic pressure, and frequently subordinated to more important strategic goals outside of the region.

<p>This dissertation examines the visual production of capital in socialist realist images during the Maoist era (1949-1976). By deconstructing the pseudo-opposition between capitalism and socialism, my research demonstrates that, although the country was subject to the unchallenged rules of capital and its accumulation in both domestic and international spheres, Maoist visual culture was intended to veil China's state capitalism and construct its socialist persona. This historical analysis illustrates the ways in which the Maoist regime recoded and resolved the versatile contradictions of capital in an imaginary socialist utopia. Under these conditions, a wide spectrum of Maoist images played a key role in shaping the public perception of socialism as a reality in everyday lives. Here the aesthetic protocols of socialist realism functioned to create for the imagined socialist world a new currency that converted economic values, which followed the universal laws of capital, into the fetish of socialism. Such a collective "cognitive mapping" in Fredric Jameson's words - which situated people in the non-capitalist, socialist world and inserted them into the flow of socialist time - rendered imperceptible a mutated capitalism on the terrain of the People's Republic of China under Mao. This research aims to build a conversation between the real, material space subordinated to the laws of capital and the visual production of imaginary capital in the landscapes of socialist realism, for the purpose of mapping out how uneven geographical development contributed to activating, dispersing, and intensifying the global movement of Soviet and Chinese capital in the cultural form of socialist realism. This study also illustrates how, via the image-making process, socialist realist and Maoist images influenced by Mao's romantic vision of the countryside were meant to neutralize this uneven development in China and mask its on-going internal colonialism. Through this analysis, I argue that, in the interesting juncture where art for art's sake and art for politics intersected, Maoist visual culture ended up reproducing the hegemony of capital as a means of creating national wealth.</p> / Dissertation

Title: Trade Union Recreations in Czechoslovakia in the 50s and 60s of the 20th Century Annotation: The thesis analyses organization, course, and other aspects of trade union "recreation", important and favorite way of holiday spending in former Czechoslovakia. It is a contribution to the research of a leisure time phenomenon. Based primarily on so far unexploited archival sources it observes development of leisure activities and recreation stays organized by the Revolutionary Trade Union Movement between 1948 and 1968. It focuses both on recreation of adults and young pioneers' summer camps. It deals with artistic representation of daily life at trade union recreations in movies and fiction literature, among others. Conclusions of the research are above all as follows: attempts at ideological indoctrination of people even during their leisure time, accentuated at the beginning of the period in view, grew weak gradually. Organized recreation stays became a desired way of a cheap holiday, namely in absence of other possibilities. A collectivist spirit belonged to main characteristics of this way, but it was not solely linked to the communist ideology. Key words: modern history - trade unions - trade union holiday ("recreation") - pioneers'summer camps

Liu Xiaobo first came to attention in mid 80s of the 20th century, as radical critic of Chinese culture and society. Due to his point of view he cannot be linked with any existing intellectual group. Therefore, it is not possible to point him as a typical representative of the intellectual circles of the time. This work brings closer his ideas and his perspective of the changing Chinese society of the 1980s. It follows chronologically important events in Liu Xiaobo's life and his involvement in the intellectual debates within the context of social and political situation in the People's Republic of China. It is based on the articles and books he published during the given period. In the end it brings the summary of his ideas and his vision about where should be Post-Mao China heading. Keywords Liu Xiaobo, China after the Cultural Revolution, China - modern history, intellectual debates

This thesis examines the relationship between the private naval armaments industry, businessmen and the British Government’s supply planning framework between 1918 and 1941. More specifically, it reassesses the concept of the Military-Industrial Complex by examining the impact of disarmament upon private industry, the role of leading industrialists within supply and procurement policy, and the successes and failings of the Government’s supply organisation. This work blends together political, naval and business history in new ways, and, by situating the business activities of industrialists alongside their work as government advisors, it sheds new light on the operation of the British state. This thesis argues that there was a small coterie of influential businessmen, led by Lord Weir, who, in a time of great need for Britain, first gained access to secret information on industrial mobilisation as advisers to the Supply Board and Principal Supply Officers Committee (PSOC), and later were able to directly influence policy. This made Lord Weir and Sir James Lithgow among the most influential industrial figures in Britain. This was a relationship which cut both ways: Weir and others provided the state with honest, thoughtful advice and policies, but, as ‘insiders’ utilised their access to information to build a business empire at a fraction of the normal costs. Outsiders, by way of contrast, lacked influence and were forced together into a defensive ‘ring’ – or cartel – and effectively fixed prices for British warships in the lean 1920s. However, by the 1930s, the cartel grew into one of the most sophisticated profiteering groups of its day, before being shut down by the Admiralty in 1941. More generally, this work argues that the Japanese invasion of Manchuria was a turning point for supply organisation, and that between 1931 and 1935, the PSOC and its component bodies were governed by necessity. Powerful constraints on finance and political manoeuvre explain the nature of industrial involvement. Thus, it is argued that the PSOC did a broadly effective job at organising industry with the tools it was given, and the failings were down to the top levels of policymaking – the Cabinet – not acting upon advice to ease procurement bottlenecks early enough, to the extent that British warship construction was more expensive and slower than it could have been. In sum, this group of industrialists, the Admiralty and a few key figures in the PSOC such as Sir Harold Brown, effectively saved MacDonald, Baldwin and Chamberlain’s National Government from itself.

Il s'agit ici d'analyser les relations entre l'Angleterre d' Henri VIII et l'Espagne de Charles Quint de 1526 à 1540. Cettepériode correspond aux dernières années du « valimiento » du cardinal Wolsey, et à la durée de celui de Thomas Cromwell. L'année 1526 constitue un réel tournant dans les relations des deux monarques. Cette époque est marquée par le divorce du souverain insulaire avec Catherine d'Aragon, la tante de l'empereur, par la ruine totale du royaume de Hongrie suite à la défaite du roi Louis II face aux Turcs, et à la menace que cela implique pour les territoires de Charles Quint. Au cours de cette période, nombreux sont les royaumes européens qui décident de briser leur allégeance au pape (Suède, Angleterre et Danemark). La situation des royaumes scandinaves intéresse Henri VIII qui cherche à s’en emparer au détriment des intérêts de l’empereur et de sa famille. Il semble intéressant d'étudier les influences et l'impact de la mise en place de l'Ecclesia anglicana, instaurée par le roi, Thomas Cromwell et par Thomas Cranmer sur les relations avec l'Espagne (diplomatie, religion et commerce). Cette étude donne lieu à une analyse approfondie des manoeuvres politiques de la part du roi d'Angleterre avec les royaumes de France, Suède, Danemark, Hongrie et Pologne pour contourner la domination de Charles Quint sur la scène européenne. L'Angleterre maintiendra certains contacts avec les réformateurs suisses et la Ligue de Smalkalde pour tenter de s'émanciper du pouvoir impérial et de l'influence du Saint-Siège. Dans un premier temps, Henri VIII cherchera à aligner ses intérêts sur ceux de la France, pour mieux contrer les manoeuvres de déstabilisation politique et d’intimidation de Charles Quint, un monarque très pragmatique. Cela impliquera une forte volonté d'ingérence politique de la part de l'Espagne et de l'empereur pour avoir une mainmise sur les affairesdu royaume. Marie, la fille du roi d'Angleterre et de sa première épouse Catherine d'Aragon incarnera cet espoir. C'est pourquoi,l’empereur soutient les mouvements rebelles d'Irlande et du nord de l'Angleterre lors du Pèlerinage de la Grâce, mais veille à ne pastrop s'impliquer afin de garantir de futures alliances avec Henri VIII. Enfin, nous étudierons la perception que les Anglais avaientdes Espagnols et vice versa / This is to analyze the relations between the England of Henry VIII and the Spain of Charles V from 1526 to 1540. Thisperiod corresponds to the last years of the "valimiento" of Cardinal Wolsey, and the duration of that from Thomas Cromwell. 1526 is a real turning point in the relations between the two monarchs. This era is marked by the divorce of the island ruler with Catherine of Aragon, the aunt of the emperor ; by the total ruin of the Kingdom of Hungary following the defeat of King Louis II against the Turks, and the threat that this implies for the territories of Charles V. During this period, many European kingdoms decided to break their allegiance to the pope (Sweden, England and Denmark). The situation of the Scandinavian kingdoms interested Henry VIII who sought to seize it at the expense of the interests of the emperor and his family. It seems interesting to study the influences and impact of the establishment of the Ecclesia Anglicana ; promoted by the King, Thomas Cromwell and Thomas Cranmer ; on relations with Spain (diplomacy, religion and trade). This study gives rise to a detailed analysis of the political maneuvers on the part of the King of England with the kingdoms of France, Sweden, Denmark, Hungary and Poland to circumvent the domination of Charles V on the European scene. England will maintain certain contacts with the Swiss reformers and the Smalkalde League in an attempt to emancipate itself from the imperial power and influence of the Holy See. At first, Henry VIII will seek to align his interests with those of France, to better counter the maneuvers of political destabilization and intimidation of Charles V, a very pragmatic monarch. This will imply a strong will of political interference on the part of Spain and the emperor to have a stranglehold on the affairs of the kingdom. Mary, the daughter of the King of England and his first wife Catherine of Aragon will embody this hope. Therefore, the emperor supports the rebel movements of Ireland and northern England during the Pilgrimage of Grace, but be careful not to get tooinvolved in order to guarantee future alliances with Henry VIII. Finally, we will study the perception that the English had ofSpaniards and vice versa.

Em nossa pesquisa analisamos os preâmbulos dos livros de história impressos em Portugal entre 1640-1680, dando atenção às práticas da escrita desses textos dedicatórias, cartas ao leitor, prólogos e licenças para a impressão. Os preâmbulos, como constatamos, têm a função retórica de exórdio da obra e, portanto, pretendem captar a benevolência, atenção e tornar o leitor dócil com relação à matéria do livro. Segundo os preceitos retóricos usados no século XVII, uma das maneiras para se atingir esses objetivos era falar sobre o assunto tratado adiante. Encontramos, então, nos prólogos dos livros de história, discursos sobre o que era a história naquele período, os quais confrontamos com o que diziam os tratados sobre esse mesmo gênero. Com isso, nos propomos a fazer uma história das práticas da escrita dos preâmbulos e dos preceitos do gênero histórico no século XVII. / In our research we analyze the preambles of the books on history printed in Portugal between 1640 and 1680, paying attention to the writing practices of these texts - dedications, letters to the reader, prologues and licenses for printing. The preambles, as we have seen, have the rhetorical function of exordium of the work and, therefore, seek to capture benevolence, attention and make the reader docile with regard to the matter of the book. According to the rhetorical precepts used in the seventeenth century, one of the ways to achieve these goals was to talk about the subject matter discussed below. We find, then, in the prologues of the history books, discourses on what history was in that period, which we confront with the treatises on the same genre. With this, we propose to make a history of the writing practices of preambles and precepts of the historical genre in the seventeenth century.

O objetivo desta Tese é analisar como Sergio Buarque de Holanda e Samuel Ramos Magaña trabalharam a ideia de \"revolução\", e entenderam as possibilidades de uma revolução, respectivamente, no Brasil e no México, no início do século XX. Consideram-se, para tanto, os ensaios mais célebres desses dois autores: Raízes do Brasil e El perfil del hombre y la cultura en México, ambos publicados pela primeira vez na década de 1930, mas, como clássicos, tantas vezes lidos e ressignificados por distintas gerações. Partindo de um dos grandes expoentes da História Intelectual, Dominick LaCapra, demonstra-se que as metodologias ali trabalhadas indicam uma preocupação pontual com a crítica dos modos de pensar e ser do brasileiro e do mexicano contemporâneos, reais. Partindo de um dos grandes expoentes da História dos Conceitos, Reinhart Koselleck, considera-se o ambiente em que foram escritos Raízes e El perfil, e demonstra-se que (entre ensaístas e vanguardistas) se encontram num meio-termo, entre volteios críticos produzidos por não-especialistas, e interpretações metodologicamente mais acuradas, consolidadas anos depois. / The purpose of this thesis is to analyze how Sergio Buarque de Holanda and Samuel Ramos Magaña worked the idea of \"revolution\" and understood the possibilities of a revolution, respectively, in Brazil and Mexico, in the beginning of twentieth century. We consider, therefore, the most celebrated essays of these two authors: Raízes do Brasil and El perfil del hombre y la cultura en México, both first published in the 1930\'s, being classics often read and resignified by different generations. Considering one of the great exponents of Intellectual History, Dominick LaCapra, this Thesis demonstrates that the methodology used by Holanda and Ramos indicate a timely concern with criticism of the real ways of thinking and being of contemporary brazilians and mexicans. Considering one of the great exponents of the History of Concepts, Reinhart Koselleck, it also reckons (pointing similarities and distinctions about other essayists works, and also literary vanguard productions) how Raízes and El perfil are a middle ground between reviews produced by non-specialists and methodologically-accurate interpretations consolidated years later.

The thesis analyses the development of social movements in Italy in the period from 1968 to the end of the following decade, with particular reference to the Milanese experience and a focus on the 1968-9 years. It argues that the late ‘60's represent a transitional moment; whilst industrial class conflicts dominated oppositional politics in 1968-9, the student movement anticipated the radical redefinitions of politics brought about by the social movements of the 1970's. The changing relationship between social movements and the conceptualisation of social conflicts is the central theme. The thesis is divided into five parts. Part 1 outlines approaches to the analysis of social protest which are considered especially useful because of their concern with agency and the specific dynamics of social movements; Part 2 gives a historical introduction to the origins of the crisis of 1968-9; Part 3 is a case study of the student movement, and Part 4 of the workers' movement, both concentrating on the 1968-9 developments in Milan. Part 5 outlines their consequences for the formation of oppositional politics in the 1970's. It returns to the theme of 'old' and 'new' political forms, taking the cases of red terrorism, feminism and youth protest. It is argued that the emergence of new social movements has provoked a fundamental questioning of categories of social analysis with important consequences for both political theory and practice.

This study retraces the principal moments of the Latin reception of John Chrysostom between c.1440 and 1600 and how they reflect on the study of ancient Christianity in early modern Europe. After a short Introduction to Chrysostom’s reception in medieval Europe and existing historiography on early modern patristics, the first section of this study focusses on the reception of Chrysostom in the fifteenth century. Chapter 1 examines the collaboration between cardinal Jean Jouffroy and the humanist translator Francesco Griffolini in Renaissance Rome. Chapter 2 explores the career and editorial work of the scholastic writer Johannes Heynlin and his impact on Basel’s rise as a centre of patristic studies. The second part of this study investigates the translations and interpretations of Chrysostom by the renowned Dutch humanist, Desiderius Erasmus. Chapter 3 argues that Erasmus advanced Chrysostom as a Pauline theologian in a way deliberately opposed to contemporary Latin traditions of exegesis. Chapter 4 interprets Erasmus’ editions and translations of Chrysostom against the breakdown of his friendship with the Protestant theologian Johannes Oecolampadius. Chapter 5 asks whether Erasmus’ biography of Chrysostom and criticism of spurious texts of the Greek church fathers confirms or contrasts recent investigations of Erasmus’ scholarship on their Latin counterparts. The third part of this study follows the reception of Chrysostom’s life and works in the Catholic world during and after the Council of Trent. Chapter 6 studies the use of Chrysostom’s works at this Council by cardinal Marcello Cervini and his client Gentian Hervet. Chapter 7 uses Chrysostom’s changing place in the Roman breviary to explore Catholic attitudes to historical scholarship and the Greek church in the sixteenth-century. A short conclusion suggests avenues for future research into the reception of Chrysostom in early modern Europe.