Museums and schools evolved as the definition of the concept of education to describe a lifelong process of developing knowledge, skills, values and attitudes that take place not only in the classroom, but also in a variety of formal and informal contexts and settings. In order to fulfil and extend the potential of the partnership, museum educators and school teachers should be assisted to develop a comprehensive understanding of the nature of the museum-school collaboration. They should learn the difference between museums and classrooms. When the Botswana National Museum was established in 1968, the Botswana government aspired to avail information relating to Botswana customs, indigenous knowledge system and values to Botswana‘s future citizens, with the hope that the information and artefacts collected at the time would retell the story of Botswana to learners and the public alike. The Botswana National Museum, through its educational programmes, has the capability to help educate learners; make teaching and learning an exciting undertaking; and provide the opportunities for hands-on activities and interaction with real objects. In order to address the research question posed for this study, the researcher conducted open-ended interviews with a sample comprising 40 participants: 10 teachers, 10 learners, 10 museum employees and 10 curriculum developers. The data collected from the interviews were decoded and presented in narrative form. The responses were presented using three identified categories: the curriculum development process in Botswana; the typical learner activities in the classroom and in the Botswana National Museum; and collaboration between the Botswana National Museum and schools. The data analysis revealed that the curriculum development process in Botswana was exclusively done by curriculum developers. Learners, teachers and museum employees were not involved. The Botswana National Museum‘s education programmes are not familiar to all role-players. All role-players were positive regarding a possible collaboration with the Botswana National Museum. Generic and specific recommendations were put forward to this end. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (Didactics)

Cette thèse analyse le profil culturel des visiteurs des musées d’art moderne et contemporain en Belgique dans le but de mieux comprendre ce que représente, pour eux, l’expérience muséale. Il s’agit de dépasser une certaine approche courante en sociologie qui limite l’étude des relations publics-musées à la mise à jour du rôle des déterminants socioéconomiques sur la fréquentation. Mon approche part d’un postulat de base selon lequel il faut inscrire la visite muséale dans un rapport plus large à la culture pour appréhender le sens et les usages des musées d’art moderne et contemporain. <p>La récolte des données a eu lieu au cours de deux phases principales :une première quantitative suivie par une seconde qualitative. Le design est séquentiel (en deux étapes successives) et non équivalent puisque la première étape quantitative a plus de poids (terminologie basée sur Leech et Onwuegbuzie). <p>Pour la première phase, a été réalisée une enquête par questionnaires auprès des visiteurs de six musées en Belgique âgés de 15 ans et plus. Au total, 1900 questionnaires ont été récoltés et encodés. A partir de ces données, une analyse en correspondances multiples a été effectuée pour évaluer de quelle manière les différentes dimensions des profils culturels (goûts pour la musique, l’art et la lecture, participation culturelle, loisirs ordinaires, créativité) s’agencent les unes aux autres. Cette méthode a été choisie pour ses qualités inductives et relationnelles. <p>Cette analyse montre que les profils culturels peuvent être perçus comme le résultat de bricolages entre répertoires culturels. Ceux-ci doivent être compris comme des principes qui classifient les goûts et les pratiques et leur donnent sens. Parmi ces répertoires, la distinction culture haute versus culture basse à la Bourdieu conserve une place primordiale mais cohabite avec d’autres, tels que les distinctions omnivores versus univores (Peterson), voraces versus inactifs (Sullivan & Katz-Gerro), culture jeune versus culture classique, goût pour la transgression versus conservatisme. Cette thèse appuie en conséquence l’idée selon laquelle il n’y a eu ni de transformation unidirectionnel des snobs vers les omnivores (thèse de l’omnivorité), ni un effondrement des hiérarchies culturelles (massification et postmodernisme). <p>L’utilisation de ces répertoires est principalement influencée par l’âge, l’éducation (sous diverses formes) et le statut socioprofessionnel (qui met l’accent sur les différences en termes de cultures professionnelles). Les profils culturels s’ancrent dès lors toujours dans des structures sociales, contrairement à ce que pensent certaines théories individualistes plus extrêmes (Bauman), et continuent d’être structurés par des mécanismes de distinction, puisque les répertoires sont socialement valorisés. <p>Une classification hiérarchique ascendante a suivi l’analyse en correspondances multiples pour mettre à jour une typologie qui reflète les principales configurations des profils culturels. Six classes ont été identifiées :les cultivés classiques, les cultivés en retrait, les cultivés progressistes, les hédonistes, les éloignés culturels et les amoureux de l’art. Pour conduire la deuxième phase qualitative, trois personnes par classe ont été interviewées pour approfondir les donnés quantitatives sur leur rapport à la culture, à l’art et au musée. Au regard de cette analyse de discours, il apparaît que les six classes ainsi constituées partagent en leur sein des grilles de lecture similaires du rôle de l’art et de la culture au sein de la société moderne mais aussi du musée et agissent, ce faisant, en « communautés interprétatives » (Fish; Hooper-Greenhill). Comprendre la diversité des profils culturels des visiteurs (tout en prenant en compte l’origine sociale) permet, dès lors, de concevoir la multiplicité des rapports au musée./<p><p>What do we know about art museums’ visitors? This question can appear very trivial. Visitors of art museums seem to belong to educated elite. At least, this is the image that cultural participation surveys rightly spread. Nevertheless, this perspective focuses mainly on the characteristics of the population who do not visit museums, rather than on the characteristics of the museums' visitors. These surveys help indeed to define the sociodemographic particularities of visitors, with regards to the general population but do not investigate a possible diversity within the visitor population. They show that cultural democratization did not really happen but can we really conclude that the audience constitutes a homogeneous mass of snobs defined by a precise relation to the culture?<p>This presentation aims to go beyond this traditional approach in sociology that focuses on sociodemographic criteria and to show how diverse can be the audience. It intends to illustrate that visitors have heterogeneous cultural profiles (described by their tastes, cultural and creative activities, and more ordinary leisure), even if they tend to be similar from a socioeconomic viewpoint, and to evaluate which impact these cultural profiles have on the way of visiting a museum.<p>With the use of a multiple correspondence analysis and an ascending hierarchical classification, six different classes were distinguished among the visitors of six museums of modern and contemporary art in Belgium (N: 1900) according to their cultural profiles. Each cultural profile is considered as a bricolage of different cultural repertoires: low versus high culture (Bourdieu), univores versus omnivores (Peterson), voraces versus non-voraces (Sullivan & Katz-Gerro), classical versus young culture and traditional versus modern values. Instead of observing an unidirectional change from snobs to omnivores, my results suggests indeed that several repertoires interact with one another to structure cultural profiles and to give meaning to them. Finally, with selected interviews among the different six classes, it will be demonstrated that people with an analogous cultural profile tend to share similar interpretations of museums and act as "interpretative communities" (Fish; Hooper-Greenhill). Therefore, the meaning of a museum visit for visitors requires taking into account their cultural profiles.<p> / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

In order to illustrate why museums are frequently sites of conflict and mediation, this dissertation examines the complex conditions under which knowledge is produced and disseminated at three Canadian museums. Approaching museums as social arenas or contact zones, the dissertation exposes power struggles in museums and dislodges a whole set of assumptions about what museums are and how they function. For the study I selected the following museums with anthropological mandates: MacBride Museum (Whitehorse), Prince of Wales Northern Heritage Centre (Yellowknife), and Vancouver Museum (Vancouver). The three museums were chosen because their geographical proximity to large communities of Aboriginal Peoples enabled an exploration of the changing relationships between them. Historically, museums have held the power to classify and define Aboriginal Peoples. Relatively recently, however Aboriginal Peoples have in various ways (by imposing constraints on how they and their cultures are exhibited, and through land claims and repatriation requests) been challenging their historic relationships with museums. In chapter one I discuss my objectives, methodology, and the work of those scholars who shaped this dissertation. Chapter two explores the invention of museums in the western world and begins linking the three Canadian museums with knowledge and power. In chapters three, four, and five I portray the mobility and productivity of three museums (MacBride Museum, PWNHC, and Vancouver Museum) in three distinct regions of Canada. I illustrate their ability to articulate identity, power, and tradition as well as the role they perform in the social organization of power relations. Each chapter begins with a description of the historical roots of power relations at each institution. This leads into a discussion of each museum's present system of authority: the state, governing bodies, professional staff and, increasingly, Aboriginal representatives. In the process I reveal some of the political pressures, institutional hierarchies, and personal conflicts that shape knowledge within these institutions. Chapter six is a review and critical analysis of systems of authority of the three museums and the challenges presented by Aboriginal Peoples. I conclude with the issues raised at the outset, which continue to confront the Canadian museum community, issues of inclusion and the limitations of cross-cultural translation, repatriation, and representation. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

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In the second half of the nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth century the collecting of objects from colonized countries and their subsequent display in western museums was widespread throughout Western Europe. How and why these collections were made, the processes of collection, and by whom, has only recently begun to be addressed. This thesis is an exploration of the ethnographic collection of Gertrude Emily Benham (1867-1938) who made eight voyages independently around the world from 1904 until 1938, during which time she amassed a collection of approximately eight hundred objects, which she donated to Plymouth City Museum and Art Gallery in 1935. It considers how and why she formed her collection and how, as a an amateur and marginalised collector, she can be located within discourses on ethnographic collecting. The thesis is organised by geographical regions in order to address the different contact zones of colonialism as well as to contextualise Benham within the cultural milieu in which she collected and the global collection of objects that she collected. An interdisciplinary perspective was employed to create a dialogue between anthropology, geography, museology, postcolonial and feminist theory to address the complex issues of colonial collecting. Benham is located within a range of intersecting histories: colonialism, travel, collecting, and gender. This study is the first in-depth examination of Benham as a collector and adds to the knowledge and understanding of Benham and her collection in Plymouth City Museum and Art Gallery. It contributes to the discourse on ethnographic collectors and collecting and in doing so it acknowledges the agency and contribution of marginal collectors to resituate them as a central and intrinsic component in the formation of the ethnographic museum. In addition, and central to this, is the agency and role of indigenous people in forming ethnographic collections. The thesis offers a foundation for further research into women ethnographic collectors and a more nuanced and inclusive account of ethnographic collecting.