A research report submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Political Studies by Coursework and Research Report in the Department of Political Studies Faculty of Humanities March 2016 / Domestic violence is both a local and global phenomenon. Much research has been conducted on its incidence in South Africa, but there is a dearth of research on how it affects Muslim communities. Thus, this research report contributes to the literature in providing a case study of how a select middle class cohort of Muslims in Johannesburg, by gender and generation, discursively construct their perspectives on domestic violence in their community. The research investigates how members of Muslim congregations understand and define gendered violence, particularly violence against women. The research report addresses two key themes through the research. The first, involves a textual analysis of the interpretations of Chapter 4 Verse 34 in the Qur’an. The interpretations and understandings of this verse and of Islam form the basis for how the respondents defined, understood and perceived gendered violence in their community and in wider society, especially violence against women. The main focus of the empirical research, addresses how a diverse group of respondents relate to the issue of violence against women in Islam and in the Muslim community. This research report adopts a case study approach and thus does not have general applicability. However, through an analysis of focus groups and individual interviews, which form the basis of the research, the report presents the perspective on domestic violence as discussed by select Muslims in Johannesburg. It interrogates the notion of the public and private, of honour and shame versus security, and investigates the avenues of escape available to women. The respondents argue that while intimate family violence is a general social problem, it occurs in Muslim homes to a lesser extent. They refer to the writings of the Prophet Muhammad, his life and personal conduct, in order to show that domestic violence is not allowed in Islam. However, the older men and women respondents both directly and indirectly blame women for the abuse they endure. This victim-blaming resides within a strongly patriarchal bias that creates the idea that men are the protectors and representatives of the family in the public realm and inevitably justifies domestic violence. The younger cohort provided a somewhat less rigid set of perspectives that were less judgemental in nature. The distinction made between the public and private realms proved to be an important one in defining the status and roles of women and men, and in shaping what could be disclosed in public and what should remain private. Honour proved to be a central precept in the significance of privacy. In Islamic culture, the private sphere is associated with honour and if what is meant to be private is made public, this idea of honour is breached and the family suffers humiliation. But the women bear the brunt of the blame. Thus, the debate about honour in Muslim culture and Islamic precepts of what is right and wrong is critical in bringing the issue of domestic violence to the fore as a violation of women’s rights on the one hand, and Islamic dogma on the other. The resolution of this conflict is important in determining the role of the Jamiat and Muslim congregations in offering mechanisms of support for abused women and avenues of escape from the abuse. However, these mechanisms and avenues will only work if what is meant to be ‘a private matter’ is no longer made an issue of honour in Muslim communities / MT2017

A Igreja Ibérica na região da Península Ibérica, durante a Alta Idade Média, tornara-se uma referência para o poder temporal, como já o era para o povo. Embora fosse apoiada pela monarquia visigótica, ainda enfrentava problemas internos de dogma e de situações decorrentes dos conflitos humanos. O expansionismo árabe trouxe para a região ibérica um confronto além de civil, religioso que ameaçava e fragilizava o papel homogêneo que a Igreja desempenhava no território. A convivência entre muçulmanos e cristãos, que estavam subjugados, fez com que a Igreja buscasse respostas para a situação vivida naquele momento, após a invasão muçulmana no território ibérico. Este trabalho de mestrado buscou compreender o discurso elaborado pela Igreja, através do escrito de um de seus membros, que interpretaria a situação de acordo com a perspectiva eclesiástica. Concomitantemente, verificaremos os problemas estruturais concernentes a formação da monarquia visigoda, para analisar o contexto histórico no qual foi produzido o documento utilizado neste trabalho. / The Church in the region of the Iberian Peninsula during the Middle Ages, become a reference to the laic power, as it was for the people. Although it was backed by the Visigothic monarchy, still faced internal problems of dogma and situations resulting from human conflicts. The Arab expansionism brought to the Iberian region a confrontation, as well as civil, religious that threatened and weakened the homogeneous role that Church played in the territory. The coexistence between Muslims and Christians, who were enslaved, made the Church sought answers to the situation experienced at that moment, after the Muslims invasion in the Iberian territory. This dissertation sought to understand the speech prepared for the Church, written by one of its members, who would interpret the situation according to the ecclesiastical perspective. Concurrently, we find structural problems concerning the formation of the Visigothic monarchy, to consider the historical context in which it was produced the document used in this work.

O presente estudo tem por finalidade descrever a interação conflituosa entre o nacionalismo árabe e o Líbano entre 1952 e 1967. Nesses anos ocorreu a ascensão do nacionalismo árabe, que teve na figura do presidente egípcio Gamal Abdel Nasser a sua principal liderança. Seu objetivo era promover a luta dos povos de língua árabe contra a dependência tecnológica e dominação econômica e/ou política dos países capitalistas centrais, situados na Europa Ocidental e América do Norte. Bem como desenvolver suas sociedades e combater os setores conservadores internos, aliados dos poderes capitalistas ocidentais e pouco interessados em uma modernização mais profunda ou uma grande melhoria nos padrões de vida das classes populares. O objetivo último dos nacionalistas árabes era a unidade de todos os povos árabes em algum tipo de estrutura estatal. No Líbano a ideia da unidade árabe era mais difícil de realizar, pois uma parcela importante da sua população, os cristãos maronitas, não se viam como árabes e buscaram criar um estado separado para eles no começo do século XX, com apoio de uma potência colonial europeia com quem se identificavam e tinha laços históricos: a França. No entanto, para que o Líbano pudesse existir como estado independente viável economicamente, após a II Guerra Mundial, tiveram os cristão maronitas de entrar em acordo com a população muçulmana, particularmente os sunitas, e aceitar que o Líbano tinha uma face árabe. Esse acordo, conhecido como o Pacto Nacional, garantiu a existência do Líbano e permitiu que este se tornasse um entreposto comercial e financeiro no Oriente Médio, algo desejado tanto por suas elites cristãs (maronita e outras), como pelas muçulmanas. Mas, enquanto o Líbano experimentava um grande crescimento econômico na década de 1950, as suas regiões muçulmanas eram mantida em grande parte alheias a esse crescimento. O resultado foi o seguinte: as populações muçulmanas passaram a questionar a preponderância cristã e viram em Nasser e no nacionalismo árabe um meio para isso. Suas lideranças tiverem que segui-las, enquanto a população cristã, particularmente os maronitas, sentia-se ameaçada. Estas tensões, mescladas às ambições do presidente Camille Chamoun e ao cenário da Guerra Fria, conduziram a guerra civil de 1958. Posteriormente, entre 1959 e 1964, em um governo de unidade nacional, o Presidente Fuad Chehab tentou promover a unidade nacional, fazer investimentos do estado nas regiões muçulmanas, criar um esboço de segurança social e regular o liberalismo desenfreado do país. Seu fracasso parcial e o mau tratamento da população de refugiados palestinos por suas forças de segurança abriu caminho para a grande guerra civil de 1975-1990 / The present study aims at describing the conflicting interaction between Arab nationalism and Lebanon between 1952 and 1967. Those years was the rise of Arab nationalism, which had the figure of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser your primary leadership. His goal was to promote the struggle of the Arabic speaking people against technological dependence and economic domination and / or policy of the central capitalist countries located in Western Europe and North America. As well as developing their societies and combat domestic conservative sectors, allies of Western capitalist powers and little interested in a deeper upgrade or a major improvement in living standards of the working classes. The ultimate aim of Arab nationalists was the unity of all Arab peoples in some kind of state structure. In Lebanon the idea of Arab unity was more difficult to accomplish, because a significant portion of its population, the Maronite Christians, do not see themselves as Arabs and sought to create a separate state for them in the early twentieth century, with the support of a colonial power European with whom identified themselves and had historical ties: France. However, that Lebanon could exist as economically viable independent state after World War II, Christian Maronites had to come to terms with the Muslim population, particularly the Sunnis, and accept that Lebanon was an Arab face. This agreement, known as the National Pact, ensured the existence of Lebanon and allowed it to become a commercial and financial entrepot in the Middle East, something desired by both her Christian elites (Maronite and other), and by Muslims. But while Lebanon was experiencing great economic growth in the 1950s, its Muslim regions were maintained in large part unrelated to this growth. The result was as follows: Muslim populations began to question the Christian dominance and saw in Nasser and Arab nationalism means for this. Their leaders have to follow them, while the Christian population, particularly the Maronites, felt threatened. These tensions, merged the ambitions of President Camille Chamoun and the scenario of the Cold War, led to civil war in 1958. Later, between 1959 and 1964 in a government of national unity, President Fuad Chehab tried to promote national unity, make investments state in Muslim regions, create an outline of social security and regular liberalism rampant in the country. Its partial failure and poor treatment of the population of Palestinian refugees by its security forces paved the way for the great Civil War 1975-1990

The freedom of movement is a human right concept that has always been confronted with some form of state regulation. I will focus on the international dimension of migration, especially immigration, which will be analyzed first on a general level and then on the example of Denmark. As this small European state is a typical activist in the field of human rights and a frequent participant in the humanitarian missions, one would say the Danish immigration policy can serve as an ideal example. However, this may not be true. My aim is to analyze the membership of Denmark in various international organizations dealing with immigration, EU in particular. Then, the relationship between the immigrants and Danish foreign policy with focus on Muslims will be considered. My research shows that the tendency of Denmark to restrict her immigration policy is a result of global development and has deep historical roots.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:48:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Raimundo Monteiro Montenegro Neto.pdf: 581777 bytes, checksum: 809511339f05b79a3bd158efd3c97f53 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-08-19 / Raymond Lully, a citizen of the thirteenth century, developed a missions theory which he put into practice, in here called Lullyany Missiology. His theory was based on a vast philosophic, literary and apologetic work sympathetic to the Christianization of the world. According to Lully, the people would be reached by the argumentation and demonstration of the superiority of the Catholic Christian faith above all others religions. Lullyany Missiology focused primarily on the conversion from other religions people to Christianity, especially Muslims. It also included the restoration of Christianity through educating the people in their own values. During the days of Lully, there were many great conflicts between Christians and Muslims; much like the today s Christian Missions to the Muslims continue to provide challenges. The lack of true dialog and objective debate of ideas that has a mutual respect, audition and knowledge still marks the relationship between the followers of Christ and Mohammad. Lullyany Missiology sought to win the resistance through dialog and appreciation on the ambit and limitations of her days. It is presented here as an historic paradigm relevant to the realization of contemporary Christian Missions to the Muslims. The knowledge of that distant medieval scenery is necessary for the understanding of polemics and criticism to the Lullyany Missiology, as is the acknowledgement of the vanguard nature in the pursuit to demonstrate the next research. / Raimundo Lúlio, um cidadão catalão do séc. XIII, desenvolveu um projeto teóricoprático de missões (missiologia luliana) baseado em um vasto trabalho filosófico, literário e apologético em prol da cristianização do mundo a ser alcançada por intermédio da argumentação e demonstração racional da superioridade da fé cristã católica sobre as demais religiões. A missiologia luliana implicava primordialmente a conversão dos adeptos de outras religiões ao cristianismo, especialmente os muçulmanos, mas também incluía a restauração da cristandade através da educação nos seus próprios valores. As tensões entre cristãos e muçulmanos eram grandes nos dias de Lúlio e ainda hoje as missões cristãs aos islâmicos continua sendo um grande desafio. A falta de um diálogo franco e de um debate objetivo de idéias que tenham mútuos respeito, audição e conhecimento ainda têm marcado a relação entre os seguidores de Cristo e os de Maomé. A missiologia luliana buscou, no âmbito dos limites dos seus dias, vencer estas resistências através do diálogo e da alteridade e é aqui apresentada como um paradigma histórico relevante para a realização contemporânea de missões cristãs aos muçulmanos. O reconhecimento daquele distante cenário medieval é necessário para o devido entendimento das polêmicas e críticas à missiologia luliana, assim como para o reconhecimento da sua natureza vanguardista, como se busca demonstrar nesta pesquisa.

苏敏. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 347-371). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Su Min.

Teachers and parents make considerable sacrifices to affiliate themselves with Islamic schools. As they commit to Islamic education, they acquire certain expectations that they want their school to fulfill. The purpose of this study was to explore the academic, social, and cultural expectations of five teachers and five parents in an Islamic School on the West Coast in order understand how these expectations could be fulfilled in other Islamic schools across the United States. The main research questions of this study were: What are the academic, social, and cultural expectations that parents and teachers have of their Islamic schools? To what extent are Islamic schools meeting the expectations of parents and teachers? Qualitative, phenomenological research methods were used for the design of this study along with a purposeful sampling of teachers and parents, triangulation of data sources, and a thorough coding process. Findings from the study supported that teachers and parents expected children to be knowledgeable about Islam in its broadest and deepest interpretations. Additionally, teachers and parents expected children to apply their knowledge of Islam in their everyday lives. Lastly, the degree that expectations were met depended on the support that teachers and parents received from their school community. When teachers and parents felt encouraged by school stakeholders, their expectations were generally fulfilled. Conversely, when teachers and parents felt that their needs were overlooked by school stakeholders, their expectations tended to remain unmet. Conclusions from the study explored ways to bridge the gap between met and unmet expectations of teachers and parents. Implications invited teachers and parents to move beyond expectations toward transformative educational experiences for children in Islamic schools.

The aim of the following study is to examine the portrayal of Islam in Swedish textbooks for upper secondary education, as well as to compare how the textbooks present Islam with how they present Christianity. The textbooks used in this study have been examined using a qualitative content analysis. The result of the study suggests that the textbooks’ presentation of Islam has, based on previous research on the same subject, become better, although it is still not completely unproblematic. Even though modern textbooks try – and are relatively successful – to avoid stereotypical and over-generalised portrayals of Islam and Muslims, descriptions and formulations that are highly charged are still present. The study also shows that the textbooks rarely examine Islam through the lens of source criticism. In their respective chapters on Christianity, the textbooks examine Christianity using source criticism. This, however, does not occur in the chapters on Islam. / Syftet med följande studie är att undersöka presentationen av islam i svenska läroböcker avsedda för gymnasieutbildning, samt att jämföra hur läroböckerna presenterar islam med hur de presenterar kristendom. Läromedlen som använts i denna studie har undersökts utifrån en kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Resultatet av undersökningen tyder på att läromedlens presentation av islam har, utifrån tidigare forskning av samma ämne, blivit bättre. Trots detta är det fortfarande inte helt oproblematiskt. Även om moderna läroböcker försöker – och gör det relativt bra – att undvika stereotypa och övergeneraliserande framställningar av islam och muslimer förekommer ändå beskrivningar och formuleringar som är ytterst värdeladdade. Undersökningen visar även att läromedlen sällan granskar islam källkritiskt. I sina respektive kapitel om kristendom granskar läroböckerna kristendomen källkritiskt. Detta förekommer emellertid inte i kapitlen om islam.

<p>This essay focuses on the relationship between Islam, secularism, girls and sexuality. These categories problematize gender and how it affects identity processes of young women with a Muslim background. Sexuality is especially emphasized. The Muslim background is placed in contrast to the prescribed norms and ideals of the Swedish society/context concerning gender, sexuality and identity and this essay analyses how young women create gender and identity and which possibilities and strategies they have and use to negotiate about space in the relationship to other people. A girls’ relationship to her own and others’ sexuality is precisely what makes her a girl, but more importantly, also to which kind of girl. What does the secularization do with gender- and identity processes and does it change the views on sexuality? In what way do the experiences and conceptions of young Muslim women differ from Swedish girls? This is what this essay will focus on.</p> / <p>Den här uppsatsen fokuserar på relationerna mellan islam, sekularisering, tjejer och sexualitet. Genom att koncentrera mig till dessa kategorier problematiserar jag genus och vad det innebär för identitetsprocesserna hos unga kvinnor med muslimsk bakgrund. Särskilt betonas sexualitet. Den muslimska bakgrunden sätts i kontrast till det svenska samhällets normer och ideal beträffande genus, sexualitet och identitet och denna uppsats analyserar hur unga kvinnor, genom att följa eller inte följa de föreskrivna normerna, skapar genus och identitet, samt vilka möjligheter och strategier de har och använder för att förhandla om utrymme i relation till andra människor. En tjejs förhållande till sin och andras sexualitet är just det som i mångt och mycket gör henne till just tjej, men kanske ännu viktigare –också till vilken sorts tjej. Vad gör sekulariseringen med genus- och identitetsprocesser och ändrar den uppfattningen om sexualitet? På vilket sätt skiljer sig muslimska tjejers erfarenheter och föreställningar från svenska tjejers? Det är vad denna uppsats handlar om.</p>

This essay focuses on the relationship between Islam, secularism, girls and sexuality. These categories problematize gender and how it affects identity processes of young women with a Muslim background. Sexuality is especially emphasized. The Muslim background is placed in contrast to the prescribed norms and ideals of the Swedish society/context concerning gender, sexuality and identity and this essay analyses how young women create gender and identity and which possibilities and strategies they have and use to negotiate about space in the relationship to other people. A girls’ relationship to her own and others’ sexuality is precisely what makes her a girl, but more importantly, also to which kind of girl. What does the secularization do with gender- and identity processes and does it change the views on sexuality? In what way do the experiences and conceptions of young Muslim women differ from Swedish girls? This is what this essay will focus on. / Den här uppsatsen fokuserar på relationerna mellan islam, sekularisering, tjejer och sexualitet. Genom att koncentrera mig till dessa kategorier problematiserar jag genus och vad det innebär för identitetsprocesserna hos unga kvinnor med muslimsk bakgrund. Särskilt betonas sexualitet. Den muslimska bakgrunden sätts i kontrast till det svenska samhällets normer och ideal beträffande genus, sexualitet och identitet och denna uppsats analyserar hur unga kvinnor, genom att följa eller inte följa de föreskrivna normerna, skapar genus och identitet, samt vilka möjligheter och strategier de har och använder för att förhandla om utrymme i relation till andra människor. En tjejs förhållande till sin och andras sexualitet är just det som i mångt och mycket gör henne till just tjej, men kanske ännu viktigare –också till vilken sorts tjej. Vad gör sekulariseringen med genus- och identitetsprocesser och ändrar den uppfattningen om sexualitet? På vilket sätt skiljer sig muslimska tjejers erfarenheter och föreställningar från svenska tjejers? Det är vad denna uppsats handlar om.