Cette thèse examine le processus de construction, de projection et de performance d’un aspect de l’identité nationale australienne – l’Anzac et son rôle central dans le récit national – par le prisme de la mémorialisation de guerre à Villers-Bretonneux. Elle se penche sur les liens tangibles entre cette commune et l’Australie – en incluant, parmi d’autres dispositifs commémoratifs, l’Ecole Victoria, le mémorial national australien, le musée franco-australien, l’association franco-australienne et la commémoration de l’Anzac Day – et ce que ces liens révèlent à propos de la nature des pratiques commémoratives australiennes. Cette thèse met en lumière que la commune de Villers-Bretonneux a été utilisée comme une scène sur laquelle des versions changeantes du récit national australien ont été assemblées et mises en scène. A Villers, la réécriture de ce récit a été constante, en organisant le passé pour se définir, individuellement et collectivement, dans le présent. Par ailleurs, ce processus actif d’élaboration d’identité nationale australienne par le biais de la mémorialisation de guerre relègue souvent les soldats morts commémorés au second plan pour servir les intérêts présents de ceux qui les commémorent. Villers-Bretonneux est une commune inconnue de la grande majorité des Français. Pourtant, c’est au travers des commémorations de guerre dans cette commune d’un peu plus de 4,000 habitants que l’Australie a construit et nourri son interprétation de l’hommage des Français aux soldats australiens de la Première Guerre mondiale. Cette thèse met en lumière cet aspect essentiel qu’est l’altérité dans la validation d’images nationales par l’étude de l’importance que l’Australie a accordée à la validation française perçue de son récit national. / This thesis examines the process of assembly, projecting and performing an aspect of Australian national identity – Anzac and its central role in the national narrative – through the prism of war memorialisation at Villers-Bretonneux. It scrutinises the tangible ties between this town and Australia – including, amongst other forms of commemoration and commemorative devices, Victoria School, the Australian National Memorial, the French-Australian Museum, the French-Australian Association, and the commemoration of Anzac Day – and what these links reveal about the nature of Australian commemorative practices. The thesis argues that this village has been utilised as a stage upon which to engineer and perform changing representations of Australia’s national narrative. At Villers-Bretonneux there has been a constant rewriting of this narrative, managing the past to define oneself – collectively and individually – in the present. This active process of the development of the Australian national narrative through war memorialisation often relegates the commemorated dead soldiers to the background and serves, in their place, the present interests of those who commemorate. Villers-Bretonneux is a town unknown to the vast majority of French people and one to which even fewer ever travel. Yet, it is upon Australian war commemorations in this town of a little over 4,000 inhabitants that Australia has constructed its reportage of the French homage to Australian soldiers of the First World War and Australia. The thesis exposes this essential element of otherness in validating national images through an examination of the insistence on the perceived validation offered by the French.

The year 2014 welcomed two major events of national importance for Scotland, the Glasgow Commonwealth Games and the Scottish Independence Referendum. These national sporting and political events provided Scotland and its citizens with an opportunity to display the nation on the world stage and decide upon its geopolitical future. While the referendum was widely acknowledged as a significant ‘once in a generation' event for all voters, it also marked the first time extension of the franchise in a major UK public ballot to those aged 16 and 17 years old. Therefore, this thesis draws upon the Glasgow Commonwealth Games and Independence Referendum as a lens to investigate understandings of youth citizenship and national identity among a generation of newly enfranchised 16 and 17 year old voters, living in the city of Glasgow, located at the epicentre of these events. First, the thesis examines how ideas of Scotland presented through the Games resonated with young people's conceptions of the nation. Second, the discussion explores how the Games and Referendum prompted young people to consider the future of the nation. Third, the thesis considers how young people mobilised their vote as newly enfranchised citizens through the Referendum. Fourth, the thesis aims to inform, and be informed by, current theories of the geographies of citizenship and national identity. Overall, the thesis concludes by providing a timely and original analysis of the geographies of youth citizenship and national identity through an exploration of the reconfigured interstitial political space that these young people occupied during the referendum.

abstract: The People's Republic of China's inexorable ascendancy has become an epochal event in international landscape, accentuated by its triple national ceremonies of global significance: 2008 Beijing Olympic Games, 2009 Beijing Military Parade, and 2010 Shanghai World Expo. At a momentous juncture when the PRC endeavored to project a new national identity to the outside world, these ceremonial occasions constitute a high-stake communicative opportunity for the Chinese government and a fruitful set of discursive artifacts for symbolic deconstruction and rhetorical interpretation. To unravel these ceremonial spectacles, a public memory approach, with its versatile potencies indexical of a nation's interpretive system of social meaning, its normative framework of ideological model, and its past-present-future interrelationships, is contextually, conceptually, and analytically diagnostic of a rising China's sociopolitical constellations. Thus employing public memory as a conceptual-methodological matrix, my dissertation focuses on the prominent texts in these ceremonies, excavates their historico-memorial invocation and sociocultural persuasion, and plumbs their discursive agenda, rhetorical operation, and sociopolitical implication. I argue that the Chinese government deliberately and forcefully strove for three interrelated communicative objectives at these three ceremonies--re-imaging, re-asserting, and re-anchoring its national identity as an ancient, emergent superpower. Yet in contemporary Chinese context, its discursive (con)quest to recast its leadership as a historically continuous, culturally orthodox, and ideologically legitimate regime has always been compromised by its mythologized historical representation and hegemonic rhetorical reconfiguration, countervailed by its political and ideological fragility, and contested by domestic and global publics. Besides its contributions to the current conversation on the PRC's ceremonial phenomena, discursive formations, and communicative dynamics, this dissertation further offers its diagnosis and prognostication of this projected leading country in the 21st century. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Communication Studies 2012

p. 1-120 / Submitted by Santiago Fabio (fabio.ssantiago@hotmail.com) on 2013-03-06T19:19:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 99999.pdf: 2678052 bytes, checksum: 63a3264742381de987621c6c8886c6b3 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Tatiana Lima(tatianasl@ufba.br) on 2013-03-13T20:45:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 99999.pdf: 2678052 bytes, checksum: 63a3264742381de987621c6c8886c6b3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-03-13T20:45:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 99999.pdf: 2678052 bytes, checksum: 63a3264742381de987621c6c8886c6b3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Nos últimos anos tem-se observado a existência da percepção da imagem dos países como um ativo poderoso para as economias nacionais. A projeção correta da identidade nacional e da imagem do país pode se tornar um importante instrumento de desenvolvimento econômico. A utilização estratégica deste ativo pode converte-lo numa marca nacional. Uma marca lugar representa um caminho mais curto para decisões econômicas. O desafio consiste em como construir e posicionar esta marca adequadamente de modo que possa resultar em benefícios para o país. O propósito deste trabalho foi compreender o processo de formação e implementação de uma marca lugar, com o objetivo de produzir conhecimentos que sirvam para a implementação de uma marca Bahia.O objeto empírico analisado foi a experiência em construção de marca lugar da Nova Zelândia, nas dimensões turismo, investimentos e educação. Foi adotada a metodologia de estudo de caso. Para obtenção de dados primários foram feitas entrevistas semi-estruturadas através de correio eletrônico. O caso foi analisado considerando-se três aspectos: identidade, ações e comunicação. Como resultado verificou-se que um programa de marca lugar deve refletir a identidade local, deve ser construído a partir de uma base real, e precisa contar com a participação dos vários setores da sociedade. / Salvador

O poeta António Aleixo (1899 – 1949), cauteleiro, pastor de rebanhos, tecelão, cantor de feira, entre outras tantas profissões, é um poeta português digno da atenção de todos aqueles que se interessam por poesia. Apesar de pouco letrado, seus poemas possuíam uma sabedoria empírica. Através de sua experiência de vida, Aleixo criava as mais diversas quadras, que continham a "voz do povo". Durante a ditadura salazarista (que durou de meados de 1930 até a Revolução dos Cravos em 1974), Portugal passou por um período muito delicado, sofreu atrasos econômicos e sociais devido à visão ultrapassada de Salazar. Foi nessa época que Aleixo compôs seus poemas e, por ser um poeta popular, com repercussão mais contida, teve o privilégio de não ser barrado pela censura. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar as quadras de Aleixo tendo em vista o contexto sócio-histórico-cultural em que o autor está inserido e a complexidade das relações que se dão entre os conceitos de cultura popular, tradição oral e identidade. Além disso, serão abordados os possíveis diálogos entre a obra de Aleixo e as de dois outros poetas portugueses: Gonçalo Annes Bandarra (1500 – 1556?) e Fernando Pessoa (1888 – 1935). O trabalho propõe ainda um diálogo com autores que refletem de forma crítica sobre as concepções e os estudos relativos à identidade e à cultura popular, como Renato Ortiz, Adolfo Colombres e Boaventura de Souza Santos. / The lottery-ticket seller, shepherd, weaver, fair singer and poet António Aleixo (1899 – 1949), among several other professions, is a Portuguese poet who is worth attention from all those interested in poetry. Despite his lack of literacy, his poems owned an empirical wisdom. Through his life experience, Aleixo built the most diverse quartos, which contained “the voice of the people”. Under the dictatorship of António de Oliveira Salazar (which lasted from the 1930s until the Carnation Revolution in 1974), Portugal went through a very fragile period and suffered economic and social delays due to Salazar’s obsolete view. That was the time in which Aleixo composed his poems and, by being a very popular poet (with a restrained repercussion), he had the privilege of not being barred by the censorship. The aim of this research is to analyze the quartos from Aleixo considering the sociohistorical- cultural context in which the author is inserted and the complexity of the relations that happen among the concepts of popular culture, oral tradition and identity. In addition to that, an approach will be developed between Aleixo’s work and two other Portuguese poets: Gonçalo Annes Bandarra (1500 – 1556) and Fernando Pessoa (1888 – 1935). The research also proposes an analysis of the authors who reflect the concepts and the studies related to identity and popular culture from a critical view, like Renato Ortiz, Adolfo Colombres and Boaventura de Souza Santos.

Situated within a global context of political unease over Russia’s involvement in Ukraine, this thesis challenges views of Russian foreign policy as enigmatic and unpredictable. It examines the relationship between identity politics, conceptions of security, and the foreign policy preferences of the Russian political elite. It shows how particular aspects of Russian identity that are dominant in different international contexts work to structure policy preferences. This contributes to the pursuit of apparently contradictory objectives across these settings, and to inconsistencies between the rhetoric and reality of Russian security policy. Previous studies have looked into the impact of Russian identity on its policy preferences, but most have taken a limited, instrumentalist view of identity as a tool that is mobilised by political elites to further their existing policy preferences. By contrast, this thesis argues that conscious elite mobilisation of identity provides only part of the picture. Visions of Russian identity (and consequently of its international role) are constrained by institutional factors. These include the linked historical development of the Russian military, economy and education/research sectors. Following a discursive understanding of institutions, they also include the limited number of ways in which identity has previously been represented. These factors produce subconscious constraints on the imagining of Russian identity. This limited conceptualisation of Russian identity has become even more specific in the Putin era, due to the political elite’s frequent repetition of one, highly restrictive, narrative of a ‘usable’ history, presented as the factual background to policy discussion. This narrative foregrounds favoured events, associating them with preferred identity themes. Resultant ‘truths’ of Russian identity then provide a framework for foreign policy. Particular elements of this framework dominate Russia’s relationships with different multinational bodies, impacting on the type of policy cooperation pursued. In relations with the EU, focus on Russia’s equal contribution to European civilisation brings normative incompatibilities between the parties to the fore and acts as a barrier to compromise. With contrasting visions of their identities in their shared region, of what security there should look like, and of how it should be achieved, Russia-EU cooperation has been most effective when undertaken in a specific, sectoral manner. Anticipating the ‘West’s’ relative decline in global influence, Russia has gradually downgraded EU relations whilst pursuing a ‘multivector’ foreign policy that emphasises alternative partners. Capitalising on its identity as one of the BRICS rising powers, Russia has been able to pursue a joint challenge to the contemporary structure of the international order, facilitated by members’ shared convictions of the inequities of the existing system, and of their subordinate positions within it. Here, Russia’s identity as a cultural bridge has been emphasised, giving it a unique possibility to negotiate between the old and the new global powers. Most recently, Russia has built upon its identity as a continent-straddling regional leader, and a supposedly natural representative of Eurasia. In developing the Eurasian Union, Russia seeks to use its privileged regional role to ensure continued global relevance during an anticipated, and desired, transition to global multipolarity. This is a new reading of Russian ‘great power’, in which Russia’s multiple international roles are combined to give it the greatest possible level of influence in determining new global structures.

(in English): The diploma thesis analyzes special historical and social themes, which have been published in two most significant newspapers of Polish minority from Teschen Silesia - Głos Ludu and Zwrot. The theoretical part of this thesis is focused on problematics of Polish press in Teschen Silesia since 1848, especially on a history, contens and editors of first Polish- language newspapers. This part is also dedicated to the development of Polish press in Teschen Silesia in the 20th century, primarily to advancement of Polish press in the first half of the century, but also to the reaction to partition of Teschen Silesia after the First World War. This part put emphazis on Czech-Polish relations. The diploma thesis is also focused on the historical development and content of Głos Ludu and Zwrot (in the period of communism). Except for content analysis the thesis is dedicated to newspeak. The main purpose of the practical part of the thesis is to introduce a Polish perception of themself and perception of Czech majority through the minority press in the first six years after the fall of the communist regime (1990-1995). Using the Critical discourse analysis (CDA), the thesis examine a snippets of articles, which are divided into the following socio-historical thematic units: position of Polish...

The thesis deals with the phenomenom of mestizaje and searches for Ink and European perspective of the issue in The Royal Comentaries of the Incas by Inca Garcilaso de la Vega. The paper offers a general view into the problem of mestizaje. Ink and European perspectives are studies in the work of Inca Garcilaso de la Vega who was one of the first man of mixed race born in the New World.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-11-10T11:09:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2014-01-30Bitstream added on 2014-11-10T11:57:48Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000782001.pdf: 1067111 bytes, checksum: e1edc203b9b22eeb59131e071537627a (MD5) / Embora de países e vivências literárias distintas, Fernando Pessoa (1888 – 1935) e Agostinho Neto (1922 – 1979) possuem em comum a temática da identidade nacional em suas respectivas obras, Mensagem (1934) e Sagrada Esperança (1974). Pessoa perfaz o caminho traçado por Camões em Os Lusíadas, lançando luz sobre os mitos e exaltando a nação portuguesa por meio dos feitos históricos, como forma de resgatar as identidades coletivas portuguesas, ao passo que Agostinho traz uma poesia com vestes de engajamento em meio a um período de guerras para a conquista da independência de Angola, mostrando como a Literatura ocupa papel fundamental para a reconstrução social de povos colonizados. Utilizando o método comparativo, propõe-se uma reflexão sob o fazer poético como ferramenta de diálogo e discussão social, além de se promover novos olhares para as poesias estudadas, investigando aspectos semelhantes e dissonantes nos trabalhos poéticos e, assim, refletir sobre as relações entre colonizador e colonizado / Although distintic countries and literary experiences, Fernando Pessoa (1888 - 1935) and Agostinho Neto (1922 - 1979) share the theme of national identity in their respective works, Mensagem (1934) and Sagrada Esperança (1974 ). Pessoa retraces the path taken by Camões in Os Lusíadas, shedding light on myths and extolling the Portuguese nation through historical events as a way to rescue the Portuguese collective identities, while Agostinho creates a poetry marked by engagement amid a period of wars for the conquest of Angola's independence, showing how Literature holds a fundamental role for the social reconstruction of colonized peoples. Using the comparative method, the propose is a reflection on the making of poetry as a tool for dialogue and social discussion, and to promote new approaches to the poems studied, investigating similar and dissonant aspects in the poetic works and thus reflect on the relationships between colonizer and colonized

This thesis examines the discursive construction of Russian national identity through the 2008 war in Georgia with a focus on how this process was influenced by the Russian leadership’s desire to gain the support of both the domestic and international audiences for its actions outside its borders. These actions involved forceful military intervention, the recognition of the independence of the two Georgian break-away republics of South Ossetia and Abkhazia and the decision to place Russian military troops in the two republics during the aftermath of war. The study critically examines the official Russian discourse, with a focus on particular visions of national identity that this discourse utilized. The study demonstrates how the official discourse in the context of the 2008 war contributed to the construction of Russian national identity and thereby seeks to highlight the performative power of language. By placing considerable focus on the internal dimension of the Russian leadership’s conduct in the international arena, i.e. the consolidation of the national community in the event of war, the thesis contributes to an oft overlooked element of Russian foreign policy initiatives. Consequently, it seeks to challenge the tendency to explain Russian actions with regard to the war as a natural result of a neo-imperialistic identity – a tendency that fails to take into account how national identity can be constructed in its more immediate context. By making use of Rogers Brubaker's concept of nationalism as an event, the study discusses the increased force of nationalism during war and demonstrates how this was clearly the case during the 2008 war in Georgia. The analysis concentrates on three main identity visions within the official Russian discourse. Firstly, it examines how contemporary Russia was constructed as a great power, partly as a response to the claims that it was an imperialist state. Secondly, it discusses the role of certain historical concepts, i.e. the Cold War and the Soviet Union, within the discourse and elaborates upon the act of politicising history. Thirdly, the study analyses the Russian leadership’s protection narrative that emphasised the responsibility to protect Russian citizens and compatriots in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. It is demonstrated how these different identity visions were intertwined, resulting in a rather contradictory official discourse that speaks to many different audiences simultaneously, while foregrounding the first of the above-mentioned identity visions, namely of Russia as a great power.