ble agreement did not exist due to the involved parties' irreconcilable positions. Two hypoth- eses addressing factors that are exogenous to the negotiations such as the parties' underlying negotiators' pursuits within the Six

This thesis examines the apparent discrepancy in success between Iran and North Korea when it comes to developing nuclear weapons. Both states at one time sought to acquire nuclear weapons for internal political and external security reasons. But whereas North Korea successfully detonated its first atomic bomb in 2006, Iran was pressured into an agreement in 2015 which put significant restraints on its nuclear programme. This thesis finds that there were multiple contributory factors that lay behind these differing outcomes. Specifically, it finds that while both nations had similar motivations to acquire nuclear weapons, their economic/military capabilities and the external pressure against their ambition differed in one case from the other. The ability of North Korea to deter a potential military attack from the United States together with the regime's ability to rely on its Chinese and South Korean partners for diplomatic protection as well as its own brutality towards its own population played the key role.

For many in the West, North Korea is a secretive, reclusive, and enigmatic country, a rogue state that threatens the world with its nuclear program and ballistic missiles. Confronted with its numerous provocations involving nuclear tests and missile launches, however, the international community still has not formulated a coherent response. So how do we understand the crisis on the Korean peninsula that has persisted well beyond the end of the Cold War? Christoph Bluth presents an in-depth analytical account of North Korea's development from a Soviet satellite to a failed state in the post-Cold War period. He also explains South Korea's transition from a military dictatorship to a modern democracy with a thriving economy. Based on interviews with key policymakers and experts located in South Korea, Bluth's study throws light on Korean hopes for unification and the future of the U.S.-Republic of Korea alliance. U.S. policy toward North Korea has been politically controversial, with some supporting engagement and negotiations, and others calling for isolating the regime on the basis that it cannot be trusted. Neither approach will work, according to Bluth, who explains that North Korea's foreign and security policy is the result of both the internal and external threats to the survival of a regime that can no longer sustain itself. A suitable text for undergraduates as well as postgraduates, this book will be of interest to anyone with an interest in Korea, international security, and, in particular, nuclear nonproliferation.

South Korea’s security discourse on the nuclear threat posed by North Korea has been dichotomised by its position within the political spectrum between the progressives and conservatives. By drawing upon Securitisation Theory (ST), this study challenges the current security discourse in South Korea, which has divided and misled the public as well as securitising actors. This study examines the security discourses of the Roh Moo-hyun (2003–2008) and Lee Myung-bak (2008–2013) administrations, since they represent the archetypes of the progressives and conservatives respectively. The results of the analysis suggest that the current security discourses that have been prevalent in South Korea do not correspond with reality and, subsequently, the discourses were not able to deal with real challenges that the nuclear threat posed. This research also explains the root cause of the distorted security discourses by applying a ‘discursive chasm’ as a preliminary concept, which indicates a discursive structure that fundamentally impedes the performance of securitising actors’ articulation, and that distorts the discursive formation (securitisation processes). The chasms consist of three elusive discourses: first, a discourse on threats that cannot simply be said to be either imminent or not imminent (nuclear weapons as materiality and discourse); second, a discourse on the other that cannot easily be defined (the difficulty of representation of North Korea); and third, a discourse on measures that cannot easily be realised (intangible extraordinary measures).

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Magistrinio darbo problema kaip buvo skleidžiama Japonijos propaganda dėl Š. Korėjos įvykdytų pagrobimų ir kokios jos sklaidos pasekmės išryškėjo. Baigiamojo darbo objektas - Japonijos propaganda 2002 – 2011 m. Š. Korėjos inicijuotų pagrobimų atveju. Šio darbo tikslas išanalizuoti Š. Korėjos įvykdytus Japonijos piliečių pagrobimus ir atskleisti Japonijos propagandos dėl šių pagrobimų organizacijos struktūrą, sklaidos priemones ir rezultatus. Šiam tikslui pasiekti išsikelti tokie uždaviniai: 1.Remiantis teorinės literatūros šaltinių analize apibrėžti propagandos sampratą ir jos skaidos priemones bei parengti Japonijos propagandos analizės modelį; 2. Išryškinti prielaidas Japonijos vyriausybės propagandos formavimui1970 – 2005 m.;3. Atlikti propagandos modelio taikymo Japonijoje analizę.; 4. Išnagrinėti Japonijos vyriausybės propagandos dėl Š. Korėjos įvykdytų pagrobimų poveikį Japonijos visuomenei. Baigiamajame darbe naudojami šie metodai: Lyginamasis, aprašomasis ir analitinis. Atlikus tyrimą prieita prie tokių išvadų: 1. Remiantis užsienio ir Lietuvos autorių propagandos sąvokos lyginamąja analize, iškirtais propagandos tipais ir jos sklaidos priemonėmis bei G.S. Jowett ir V. O‘Donnell propagandos analizės 10 žingsnių metodu buvo sudarytas 7 žingsnių Japonijos propagandos analitinis modelis. 2. Įvertinus propagandos formavimosi kontekstą ir atskleidus Japonijos ir Š. Korėjos santykius 1971 – 2005 m., pavyko identifikuoti pagrindinius propagandos šaltinius Japonijoje: neo... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Problem of this master thesis is how propaganda of Japan regards North Korea initiated Japanese abductions is distributed and what are the consequences of this propaganda is in general. Subject in the final thesis is propaganda of Japan in 2002 – 2011: North Korea initiated Japanese abduction case. Objective of this research is to analyze North Korea initiated Japanese abductions and following it clarify structure of Japanese government propaganda, its distribution techniques and results. To reach this objective these following tasks are made: 1. define propaganda concept and ways of propaganda distribution based on theoretic scientific literature analysis and prepare model of Japanese propaganda analysis. 2. Highlight assumptions of Japanese governmental propaganda development in 1971 – 2005. 3. Accomplish research analysis based on model of propaganda of Japan. 4. Analyze Japanese government propaganda on North Korea initiated Japanese abduction case influence to Japanese society. In this research three methods are used: description, comparative and analytical methods. Accomplished Japanese propaganda analysis of this research led to these conclusions: 1. based on comparative analysis of Lithuanian and foreign authors on concept, sorts and ways of distributing propaganda, and G.S. Jowett ir V. O‘Donnell 10 steps of propaganda analysis method, 7 steps model of propaganda of Japan is shaped. 2. From propaganda development context based on Japan’s and North Korea‘s relation... [to full text]

Amidst the global wave of democratization, modernization, and economic engagement during the 1980s and 1990s, the traditional tenets of constitutionalism have proven to be unwieldy dogma for States undergoing periods of rapid transition. In order to retain the administrative capacity to steer – rather than merely adapt to – political and social change, numerous transitioning States have adopted a new paradigm of constitutionalism, namely transitional constitutionalism, characterized by a centralized and streamlined structure of governance. However, in many instances, including Korea’s post-division transitional history, this model has demonstrably undermined fundamental human rights protections. In this thesis, I propose a hybrid constitutional paradigm for unification in Korea (another form of State transition) which seeks to balance the dual objectives of effective governance and human rights protection. I do so by examining and critiquing the core principles of traditional and transitional constitutionalism, outlining the human rights issues that the unified Korea will likely confront in its constitutional trajectory based on an analysis of Korea’s political, social, cultural, and constitutional history, and finally proposing a hybrid model of constitutionalism that utilizes an institutional approach to prevent violations of human rights in the unified Korea while allowing the State to retain governmental efficiency during transition. / Thesis (Master, Law) -- Queen's University, 2013-09-30 11:35:33.362

This thesis asks why Japan decided to procure BMD if it meant building an infrastructure which, because of its technological nature, had the potential to disrupt Japan’s preferred security strategy of hedging, that is, maintaining ambiguity of commitment, vis-à-vis China and the US. The investigation was divided into three parts dealing with the following questions – Why did Japan's BMD procurement matter? Who mattered? Why were the BMD and related decisions made? Such a structure of research was informed by “neoclassical realism,” according to which the relative material power of a country sets the parameters of its foreign policy, but the policy choices within these international constraints are made by political elites. A range of policymaking heuristics were used to investigate the domestic element of the approach. In addition to the conventionally specified policymaking actors such as MOD, MOFA, Prime Ministers, an original attempt was made to identify the possible influences of several elite networks. On the basis of the notes from the Japan-US Security Strategy Conference, two elite networks were analysed, namely the Japan’s Congressional National Security Research Group and Japan-US Centre for Peace and Cultural Exchange. It was concluded that they have probably had some influence on shaping Japan's BMD decisions. The conclusion of this research is that BMD was procured despite its disruptive potential because it was a tool of shifting Japanese policy from one hedging policy to another, that is, from one based on self-imposed restraints toward one exercised from the position of military strength. An analysis of international relations in East Asia in 1994-2007 and an analysis of the views of the security elites make Japan's transition toward a military strength-based hedging appear rational and confirm BMD's utility as a tool in this transition. Some negative consequences of a possible disruption to hedging, induced by BMD, can be contained exactly because of such a reformatting of hedging.

Toute action humanitaire en République Populaire Démocratique de Corée (RPDC) nécessite le soutien total de l’Etat nord-coréen avec lequel il faut négocier les conditions de distribution de l’aide à sa population. De cette dépendance naissent pour les agences humanitaires de nombreux dilemmes et risques : en acceptant de se plier aux conditions drastiques imposées par les autorités nord-coréennes, ne contribuent-elles pas à soutenir un régime considéré comme premier responsable des souffrances de sa population, et ne violent-elles pas les principes éthiques sur lesquels se base leur action ? Ce dilemme a poussé plusieurs organisations à partir de RPDC, parmi lesquelles Médecins Sans Frontières en 1998.En outre, l’importance des enjeux politiques et stratégiques sur la péninsule coréenne incitent les principaux pays bailleurs de fonds en RPDC à utiliser très souvent l’aide humanitaire dans un but politique. Cette instrumentalisation est lourde de conséquences pour les travailleurs humanitaires sur le terrain, contraints à agir dans un espace humanitaire remarquablement réduit.Quinze ans après les départs très médiatisés de plusieurs agences, six ONG européennes résidentes à Pyongyang maintiennent des programmes d’assistance à une population dont les besoins humanitaires restent immenses. Ces ONG ont adopté des stratégies de contournement qui leur ont permis de travailler sur le terrain dans le respect de leur charte éthique et qui leur ont permis, à force d’interactions ininterrompues avec leurs interlocuteurs nord-coréens, d’assouplir les contraintes sévères qui leur sont imposées. Ce travail de recherche consiste à détailler et analyser ces stratégies. / Any humanitarian action in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) requires the full support of the North Korean state, with which the conditions of aid distribution to the population must be negotiated. From this dependence arise many dilemmas and risks for the aid agencies, including whether by complying with the drastic constraints imposed by North Korean authorities they are unwillingly helping sustain a regime that is primarily responsible for the sufferings of its population and concerns that this may violate the ethical principles at the core of their aid efforts. This dilemma obliged several aid organizations, including Doctors Without Borders in 1998, to completely cease aid activities in the DPRK.Moreover, given the political and strategic importance of the Korean Peninsula, primary donor states of the DPRK tend to use aid as political leverage. This use of aid significantly affects the aid workers on the ground, who find themselves constrained and working in a remarkably reduced humanitarian space.Fifteen years after the highly publicized departure of several aid agencies, six European NGOs residing in Pyongyang continue to provide assistance programs to a population whose humanitarians needs remain largely unmet. These NGOs have adopted dilemma-circumventing strategies which allow them to work while adhering to their ethical codes of conduct and, thanks to constant interactions with their North Korean counterparts, to soften the severe constraints to which they are subjected. These strategies will be detailed and analyzed in this research.

北韓問題是二十世紀延續至今卻始終未能解決的複雜議題，這是因為牽涉的因素眾多：南北韓、周邊國家以及國際的考量使「維持現狀」與「模糊」政策成為處理北韓問題可以接受的模式。但事實上，吾人必須認知到在此議題上，最重要的主角仍是北韓與美國，但顯然雙方各有盤算而不能或不願直接解決。因此本文旨在探討2001至2011年美國對北韓之政策，且嘗試在現今相關領域的多數美國立場中，盡可能尋求以相對公允、同理心的角度分析問題，而非美國觀點的一言堂。本文以法國戰略學家薄富爾(André Beaufre)之「行動戰略」(Strategy of Action) 理論作為研究途徑，輔以大量相關數據資料及專著，用意在於平衡地討論美國戰略並批判其中好壞。 本文認為，小布希與歐巴馬政府對北韓政策目標一致，但戰略有所不同。受制於北韓核報復攻擊、中東戰事、經濟與他國因素，美國難以動武直取北韓，因此必須從軍事外的選項著手。筆者從軍事、政治、經濟與外交面向，以政治診斷(political diagnosis)及戰略診斷(strategic diagnosis)探討兩屆政府對北韓之行動方案。小布希和歐巴馬政府在戰略應用上符合薄富爾的觀點，但在架構面上卻有缺失，最終由於無法促使中國相助，以及自身立場的謬誤，導致兩屆政府北韓政策之失誤。 / The North Korea issue remains unresolved, and the only acceptable options for the neighbor countries are the status quo policy and the policy of deliberate ambiguity. However, it has to be acknowledged that the most important roles are North Korea and the U.S., and it is obvious they have different plans in their minds. The main idea of this thesis is to study the U.S. Policy toward North Korea (2001-2011), and present unbiased points of view instead of only the U.S. aspect. This thesis uses the Strategy of Action of André Beaufre, a French Strategist, as the research method, to analyze data and studies to fairly find out the pros and cons of the U.S. Policy toward North Korea. This thesis shows that the George W. Bush administration and the Obama administration share the same goals but different strategies toward North Korea. The U.S. have difficulty in using military action since it tries to avoid North Korea taking nuclear retaliation, and the war in the middle east and the sinking economy also limit the ability of the U.S. government. This thesis analyzes the U.S. policy toward North Korea from the aspects of military power, politics, economy and diplomacy, and it uses political diagnosis and strategic diagnosis as the approaches to examine the action plans of both Bush and Obama administrations. The research shows that the actions plans match the point of view of André Beaufre strategically, but the flaws of the plan structure, the failure to have China take a stance against North Korea and the illogicalness of the government position finally led the U.S. policy toward North Korea to a frustrated end.