Post-Apartheid South Africa has seen xenophobic sentiments towards migrants increase, culminating in several deadly riots. The words of equality and diversity, nurtured during the fight for independence seem to be far away. Building on Micheal Neocosmos theories on South African Xenophobia as a political discourse, this thesis examines how nationalist discourse creates and sustains negative perceptions of migrants. Using theories on national identity to undertake a critical discourse analysis of South African parliament proceedings, it illustrates how the perception of a civic and democratic nation, naturalizes a dichotomy between migrants and citizens. How the narrative of an equal and free South Africa, relies on the opposite perception of neighboring countries, as chaotic, undemocratic and un-free, resulting in a negative view of migrants. It argues that the opposing discourse of Pan-Africanism provides an opportunity in which a more inclusive identity can be built. Finally this thesis wishes to contribute to further research on national identity construction, by proposing a four-dimensional framework of exclusion that provides a reference point for contrasting national discourses

L’histoire de la Première République en Autriche révèle l’attachement de la plupart desAutrichiens à la Grande Allemagne jusqu’à l’avènement de l’Anschluss. En outre, il a souventété dit que les Autrichiens étaient des Allemands. Dans l’espace francophone, il semble peuclair qu’une volonté, d’abord politique, de détachement de l’Allemagne s’est dessinée àl’issue de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, volonté qui s’est transformée en un processus de prisede conscience nationale indépendante.L’émergence et le développement d’une conscience nationale autrichienne aboutissent à unenation autrichienne libre et indépendante dans le contexte de la Deuxième République. Denombreux résultats de sondages, suivant une logique chronologique, retracent l’évolution decette conscience nationale, ce qui vient en complément d’analyses de l’histoire politique etsociale de l’Autriche d’après-guerre jusqu’à nos jours. Ce processus est observé aux niveauxdes acteurs politique, de la population et des régions. En analysant ce phénomène de prise deconscience et son développement à divers niveaux, on finit par conclure que certainespersonnalités emblématiques, à l’instar du chancelier Kreisky, ont largement contribué à laconsolidation de ce sentiment national au travers d’une politique intérieure et extérieurequ’elles ont su mettre en place. De plus, on constate que des facteurs non négligeables telsque la Sozialpartnerschaft (partenariat social) et la Proporzdemokratie (démocratie à laproportionnelle) ont également contribué à l’affermissement de ce sentiment. Par ailleurs, l’onobserve aussi que ce processus d’identification nationale fut soumis à rude épreuve par deséléments nationaux-allemands, sous la bannière d’autres figures politiques comme JörgHaider, aussi charismatique que controversé. Malgré tout, l’adhésion à la nation autrichienne,précédée d’une prise de conscience nationale autrichienne, fut totale. Le décalage estégalement perceptible entre les trois niveaux précités que sont la politique, la population et lesrégions. Par exemple, l’adhésion à la nation autrichienne a été de durée variable selon lesrégions. Le suivi de l’évolution de ce sentiment national au profit de l’émergence d’une nationautrichienne constitue l’élément capital de ce travail. / The history of the Austrian First Republic brings to light the attachment of most Austrians tothe Greater Germany until the annexation in 1938. Moreover, it has often been said that theAustrians were Germans. In the French speaking world, it doesn’t seem so clear that a mainlypolitical will to separate from Germany showed off after the Second World War, and thenbecame an independent national awakening process.The emergence and development of an Austrian national consciousness lead to a free andindependent Austrian nation in the context of the Second Republic. Numerous poll resultsbased on a chronological analysis describe the evolution of this national consciousness. Theycomplement political and social history analysis from post war Austria to nowadays. Thisprocess can be observed in the fields of political players, of the population as well as on aregional scale. Studying the awakening of a national consciousness and its development onvarious levels leads to the conclusion that certain emblematic figures, such as ChancellorKreisky, have played a major role in the consolidation of this national feeling, through thenational and international politics they lead. Moreover, crucial factors such as theSozialpartnerschaft (social partnership) and the Proporzdemokratie (proportional democracy)have also contributed to strengthening this national feeling. Furthermore, it is also to benoticed that this national identification process was put to a severe test by pan-GermanicAutrians, under the banner of other political figures, such as Jörg Haider, who wascharismatic and controversial at the same time. Nonetheless, the adherence to the Austriannation, which followed the awakening of a national Austrian consciousness, was total. Thediscrepancies are also noticeable between the three fields mentioned above, which are thepolitics, population and regions. For instance, the adherence to the Austrian nation took moreor less time among regions.

Entre 1930 et 1945, l’Indochine connaît des bouleversements conduisant à un profond réaménagement de la politique coloniale française axée sur une projet identitaire novateur. Cependant, la Seconde Guerre mondiale et l’arrivée du régime de Vichy contribuent à modifier cette approche. Dirigée par l’amiral Decoux, l’Indochine vit à l’heure de la Révolution nationale métropolitaine. Fidèle exécutante du projet métropolitain de « régénérescence » nationale, l’Indochine sous Vichy se construit une identité fédérale sous autorité française et poursuit la construction d’une multitude d’identités nationales locales. Mais le contexte de la guerre donne à ce projet un but également utilitaire, à savoir conserver la fidélité des populations indochinoises face à l’irrédentisme siamois et les prétentions impérialistes japonaises. Embrigadant les populations, réprimant les opposants indochinois, mais aussi français, vantant un programme à la fois culturel, racial, scolaire, l’Indochine devient la fille fidèle du régime métropolitain. Cette comparaison peut également s’étendre par sa relation compliquée et conflictuelle avec un occupant japonais qui exerce sur la péninsule un contrôle et des pressions multiformes donnant lieu à une collaboration peu connue. Néanmoins, l’évolution du conflit, la promotion d’identités locales exclusives et les refus français de dépasser un cadre colonial aboutissent à l’émergence des premières fractures et à l’implosion de l’Indochine française. / Between 1930 and 1945, Indochina underwent upheavals leading to a profound reorganization of French colonial policy centred on an innovative project of identites. However, the Second World War and the arrival of the Vichy regime contributed to modifying this approach. Managed by admiral Decoux, Indochina was in step with the metropolitan national Revolution. Faithful performer of the metropolitan project of national " régénérescence ", Indochina under Vichy built itself a federal identity under French authority and pursued the construction of a multitude of local national identities. But the context of the war also gave this project a utilitarian purpose, namely preserving the loyalty of the Indochinese populations opposite the Siamese irredentism and to Japanese imperialist claims. Recruiting populations, repressing Indochinese opponents. It also saw the French, praise the elaborate a cultural, racial, and school program. Indochina thereby became the faithful daughter of the metropolitan Pétainist regime. This comparison can also be extended by its complicated and conflicting relation with a Japanese occupant who exercised control and multiform pressures on the peninsula, thus giving rise to a little known collaboration. Nevertheless, the evolution of the conflict, the promotion of exclusive local identities and the French refusals to exceed colonial limits resulted in the emergence of the first fractures that would lead to the implosion of French Indochina.

This paper aims to show how identity can be of importance to issues relating to development. More specifically, it deals with how the Kosovar Albanians perception of their collective identity have affected Kosovo’s economic development. The study draws primarily from the theories of Identity Economics and Orientalism and presents a hypothesis which is then tested empirically through the analysis of the in-depth interviews and participant observation carried out in Kosovo. The results show that Kosovar Albanians have, to a degree, internalized the Orientalist discourse, which often portrayed them in racist terms as the ’other’, in their view of their collective identity and that this has had a negative effect on how they perceive their potential in the global economic system, which in turn has undermined the country’s economic development. Thus, identity seems to be of significance when it comes to issues relating to development.

The EU has widened and deepened the single market over time according to a transactionalist discourse of common-interests in integration. This rationale holds that as amounts of cross-border movement increase, Member State populations should perceive the single market as beneficial, thus leading to the creation of an affective European identity. Instead, as consequences of integration have become more visible, resistance to the EU has become more pronounced, especially with relation to the Union's right of free movement of persons. This thesis argues that interest-based theories of integration ignore prospects for resilient national identities to influence the accordance of solidarity ties, so as to color interest perceptions within national public spheres. Combining the literature on European identity, moral panic and communication studies on news framing, it maintains that the popular news media provide a conduit through which these interest perceptions can be taken up through the tendency of news outlets to report events that deviantly threaten underlying identity conceptions. Through content analysis of 'popular' press in the UK, Spain and Poland, it seeks to show how the inane tendency of news to report events in terms of an identity-based narrative can serve to foment moral panic within national publics. Contrary to interest based theories of integration, the EU's discourse clashes with national identity. Disintegration may be posited as the 'proper stance' to be supported on the part of the public in news narrative, if threatening deviance caused by EU migration is to be resolved. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis explores how women's writing in mid-twentieth century Uruguay enables a reconsideration of the intertwined hegemonic practices of literary canon formation and national identity in this seminal period. Within a national history and a cultural tradition conceived of as patriarchal, progressive and homogeneous, in correspondence to a European/Eurocentric concept of time and historicism, women writers struggled to find a recognised position from which to speak. Nevertheless, like other marginal groups, women writers have challenged the hegemonic discourses of modernity in Uruguay, as elsewhere in Latin America, producing what can be described, following Elaine Showalter, as a double-voiced textual strategy that replicates as well as subverts the dominant order. In this respect, Concepción Silva Bélinzon (Montevideo, 1900-1987) offers a remarkable case study to show how women's poetry destabilises and renegotiates the great discourses of modernity. Socially and culturally marginalised, Silva Bélinzon's life demonstrates the failures and limitations of a patriarchal/paternalistic society, while her poetry problematises the homogeneous national discourses of modern Uruguay, exposing the discontinuity inherent to a national history conceived of as masculine, linear and teleological. Silva Bélinzon's poetry has been defined as a synthesis of Modernismo and Surrealism, and described as a combination of free associations, biblical references and metaphysical concerns, all expressed within conventional metric forms, notably, the sonnet. Her poetry has been considered incoherent and bizarre, and has thus received little critical attention. However, one of the most interesting characteristics of her poetry has been overlooked. That is, the juxtaposition of different artistic trends and the dialectical tension that exists between the use of random, discontinuous and disconnected images within strict traditional poetic forms. The theoretical approach of this thesis is predominantly framed by postcolonial, feminist and gender theories, including those of Homi K. Bhabha and Judith Butler. In addition, drawing on Henri Bergson's work, Matière et mémoire (1896) and Marcel Proust's well-known idea of mémoire involontaire, I interpret Silva Bélinzon's elliptical poetry as a virtual journey through layers of the personal and national pasts that thereby deterritorialises the national, hegemonic discourses of the modern nation. Thus, using Silva Bélinzon's poetry as a case study, the thesis aims to demonstrate how women writers ‘overlap in the act of writing the nation' (Bhabha 2003: 292).

At the eastern end of the Edinburgh World Heritage Site, a protrusion of volcanic rock known as Calton Hill is situated on the northern side of the Waverley Valley. This area sits approximately 100m above sea level at its highest point - around 20m higher than Princes Street in the First ‘New Town’ and at approximately the same height as the Castle Esplanade in the ‘Old Town’ of Edinburgh. During the early nineteenth century, the hill and its land to the north were developed, to extend the city of Edinburgh towards the Port of Leith, in order to open up new routes of access and communications between the port, the city, and the surrounding lands to the south and east. The resulting development provoked debates on the best approach to the development of the urban landscape, the suitability and resonance of specific architectural styles within the urban realm, and the use of public funds for large-scale urban development projects. In addition, the visual prominence of the hill in the city presented a stage for massive changes to the visual context of the boundaries of the city, the relationship between the Old and New Towns, and Edinburgh’s relationship with its surrounding countryside. This blurring of the rural and the urban alongside new interpretations of the classical and the gothic, further emphasised the discordance between societal classes, initially marked out by the mid 18th century expansion of the first New Town and which became further emphasised during the city’s industrial expansion in the latter half of the 19th century. The great care over the choice for the hill’s architectural character as an allegorical commentary on Scotland’s role within the constitutional development of the United Kingdom became muddied throughout the 19thcentury, as shifts in both societal perceptions and government constructs resulted in an evolution of the hill and its structures within the mindset of the Scottish populus. Although the structural evolution of the site during the later 19th and 20th centuries had lesser visual impact on the urban realm, as Scottish national identity swayed from a political to a culturally led discourse in architectural terms, perceptions of the structures on Calton Hill were considered to be representative of Scottish support for the construct of the British State during the 19th century. This was further confirmed by the development of the Scottish Office in the 1930s on the southern side of the hill, and the failed establishment of a Scottish Parliament in 1979, which was to be sited in the vacant Royal High School building. This culminated in the site becoming the focus for grassroots led campaigns for Scottish Independence and Home Rule by the later 20th century. This thesis therefore focuses on the changing relationship between the perception of the hill and its structures over time, by exploring the architectural evolution of the site within broader aesthetic, social and political dialogues. It considers the extent to which the site, its structures, and the discourse surrounding the development of the hill represent the nuances that define Scotland as a nation, and help us to further understand how Scots viewed their identity, within both a British and Scottish context from the late 18th to the early 20th centuries. This approach not only places the architecture on the hill within a broader discourse surrounding architecture’s relationship with national, state and imperial identities, it also demonstrates how a more nuanced exploration of urban landscapes can contribute to a better understanding of the contemporaneous societies who developed the urban realm, and the events and debates that surrounded their development. Due to the wide variety of themes that this thesis explores, and the extended timeframe that this work covers, the geographical limitations of the study area are mercurial in their extent, changing focus with the issues being discussed throughout the text. However, for clarity and for ease of reading, the physical study area has been defined as that of the external limits of Playfair’s 1819 plan for the Third New Town (Plate ii), which in the present day is defined through the following locations: The southern limit is the North Back of Canongate; the northern limit is the bottom of Leith Walk, at the intersection with Great Junction Street; the western limit is where Waterloo Place meets Princes Street, and follows Leith Street to the top of Broughton Street; and the eastern boundary is at the junction of Easter Road, Regent Road and Abbeymount, running down Easter Road to meet Leith Walk at its northernmost point.

This thesis analyses the construction of the modern national identity in Poland following the state’s creation in 1918. Its central aim is to argue that although much of Poland’s national identity was, in fact, the product of the revolutionary eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, in the twentieth century, ethnocultural foundations proved essential in the process of nation building. In order to offer a novel approach to this issue this thesis will evaluate the programmes of the émigré organizations and political parties to demonstrate the role of the two national currents: ethnic/organic and civic/territorial, which developed during the nineteenth century and shaped competing definitions of Polish nation. Furthermore, this study will analyse the role of the pre-modern and early modern symbols in shaping the political currents in modern Poland. Locating and examining elements central to the definition of the nation will allow demonstration of how the distinctive national programmes were defined under successive administrations. This research argues that the rise of competing national identities in East-Central Europe, at the turn of the century, accelerated the dissolution of the common trait or national identity, shared by the elites across the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Deprived of legitimacy the authorities were unable to maintain the democratic system, gradually introducing authoritarianism, and by the late 1930s replacing the inclusive state model with the organic definition of the nation. This exclusive programme resurfaced following the Second World War and became a justification for the construction of an ethnically homogenous Poland. The Communist regime aimed to eradicate the pillars of national identity and to diminish the role of society in the state’s functioning; however, the nucleus of civil society which survived the period of persecution continued to grow in strength outside of the official channels. Effectively, this created a popular definition of the Polish nation in opposition to that of the regime. The competition between the ethnocultural and political definition of the nation remained a central issue over more than two decades following the collapse of the Communist regime.

Doctor of Philosophy / Curriculum and Instruction Programs / Kakali Bhattacharya / Thomas Vontz / The purpose of this study was to better understand constructs of national identity in transnational space by illuminating the processes and relations of national identity disruption and development. This study is pertinent as cultural and social identities are traditionally framed by nation-centric processes in education. However, the effects of globalization continue to transform education through learning abroad initiatives and changing migration behaviors, which necessitates perspectives de-centering the nation as an assumed boundary. The theoretical framework for this study was transnationalism. A transnational perspective has brought new focus to educational research and national identity development by questioning the multiculturalist assumption of nationality as stable national identity and exploring the concepts of national identity and nationalism in transnational spaces created by globalization. The methodological approach was critical autoethnography as informed by narrative inquiry, in which I critically examined my own disruptive experience as a teacher in the Marshall Islands by engaging in retellings of experiences with one of my former Marshallese students as an informant. The method of interactive interviewing with an informant was necessary to develop a critical lens and to connect individual reflexivity with writing ethnographically to relate to broader human experience. Qualitative coding methods were applied to our retellings as thematic analysis to categorize accounts in the narrative. Finally, writing as a method of inquiry and analysis was used to explore emotions, positionality, and perspective. Through iterations of performing narrative with the informant and applying narrative analysis I found that the theme of belonging was apparent as a personal feeling in our narrative. Recognizing this as the theme posed another question; how does this address the original guiding question: what is a sense of belonging in terms of relations and processes? To answer this I considered space-sensitive understandings of belonging as a transnational perspective. This conclusion reconceptualized and grounded national identity development in the materiality of belonging as a feeling to reflect (1) the material consequences of physical characteristics, (2) the allocation of resources, and (3) language as power. In curriculum and instruction, this understanding of belonging as process could reinforce the ideological inclusivity of multiculturalism while liberating constructs of identity from the constraints of the nation. This perspective could have implications on the development of students’ national and transnational identities, allowing for the recognition of diversity without diminishing issues of difference such as racism, sexism, classism, and xenophobia in society creating students capable of celebrating difference while recognizing inequity and promoting social critique.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD (Anthropology/Sociology) / This dissertation investigates colonial and postcolonial practices of cultural representations in Namibia. The state sponsored Annual National Culture Festival in Namibia was studied with a specific focus on the Kavango Region in northeastern Namibia. I was particularly interested in how cultural representations are produced by the nation-state and local people in a post-colonial African context of nation-building and national reconciliation, by bringing visions of cosmopolitanism and modernity into critical dialogue with its colonial past. During the apartheid era, the South African administration encouraged the inhabitants of its Native Homelands to engage in cultural activities aimed at preserving their traditional cultures and fostering a sense of distinct cultural identity among each of Namibia officially recognized ;ethnic groups. This policy was in line with the logic of South African colonial apartheid rule of Namibia, which relied upon the emphasis of ethnic differences, in order to support the idea that the territory was inhabited by a collection of requiring a central white government to oversee their development. The colonial administration resorted to concepts of traditional and cultural heritage in order to construct Africans as members of distinct, bounded communities attached to specific localities or homelands. My central argument is that since Namibian independence in 1990, the postcolonial nation-state has placed emphasis on cultural pride in new ways, and identifying characteristics of Namibian-nessa. This has led to the institution of cultural festivals, which have since 1995 held all over the country with an expressed emphasis on the notion of Unity in Diversity. These cultural festivals are largely performances and cultural competitions that range from lang-arm dance, and traditional dances, displays of traditional foodstuffs and dramatized representations. The ethnographic study shows that while the performers represent diversity through dance and other forms of cultural exhibition, the importance of belonging to the nation and a larger constituency is simultaneously highlighted. However, as the study demonstrates, the festivals are also spaces where local populations engage in negotiations with the nation-state and contest regional forms of belonging. The study shows how a practice which was considered to be a colonial representation of the other has been reinvented with new meanings in postcolonial Namibia. The study demonstrates through an analysis of cultural representations such as song, dances and drama that the festival creates a space in which social interaction takes place between participants, spectators and officials who organize the event as social capital of associational life. / South Africa