The national politics of interwar Poland aimed at the full assimilation of the national minorities, including Ukrainians who lived in the occupied region of Eastern Galicia. This thesis studies the political basis, tools and outcomes of polonization policy during the period between 1918 and 1939 on the territory of Eastern Galicia and its main city Lviv. Deep analysis of Polish and Ukrainian political doctrines, Polish legislation, books, articles and periodical of the interwar period, as well as of modern historiography (both Polish and Ukrainian) resulted in developing of a comprehensive understanding of why the policy of polonization, aimed on population of Eastern Galicia failed to change historical Ukrainian identity. The data gathered in the analysis proves that the Polish government used tremendously rigid, if not brutal, tools of assimilation, and it resulted in rejection of the Polish national identity by Ukrainians. Moreover, confidence in the fact that Ukrainians are nothing more than underdeveloped Poles-to-be rise led to the rise of Ukrainian radical nationalism on the eve of the Second World War. Keywords Ukraine, Poland, National Identity, Assimilation, Polonization, Interwar Period

The Russian-Ukrainian tensions have recently sparked greater debates on an international scale, particularly since the Russian attack on Ukrainian independence in 2014. For the purpose of being able to contribute to these, my thesis explores the underlying problems causing this most recent conflict in the modern history. The research will demonstrate that the freedom of religion and the freedom of the media are being held hostage for the political purposes, while causing a deeper social trauma in a form of polarization and identity crisis. The international actors, particularly the EU and NATO are examined along with their efforts, as the blame for the responsibility of the conflict is often put on them. The questions of sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity of the nation are challenged in the chapter overseeing the legislative framework of the parties to the conflict. The methodology used for this research is the analysis of texts and reports with the aim to challenge the Western and Eastern prerogatives, respectively. The findings of the research show a clear and deep relation between the issues of identity, religion and language, while proving their undoubtable influence over the conflict and the struggle between Ukraine’s path forward, specifically choosing between the Western path towards modern democracy or Eastern return to traditional values. The results show that the connection between the national identity and the conflict is important and can bring us to further understand not just the roots of the conflict, but also the possible way out of it.

This thesis concerns political communication during the coronavirus pandemic and aims to examine how Donald Trump and Emmanuel Macron articulate power and national identity in two speeches. The research questions posed were 1) Which were the communicated discourses in Donald Trump’s and Emmanuel Macron’s speeches to their respective nations? 2) What are the similarities and/or differences between how Donald Trump and Emmanuel Macron communicated power and which part does national identity play in their speeches? The theoretical framework used involved Foucault’s theories concerning discourse as well as his notions on power, discipline, knowledge, truth, and governmentality, which were also used as an analytical framework. Moreover, the research questions were answered using a qualitative content analysis on the textual aspects of the speeches and a semiotic analysis on the visual aspects of the speeches. The results concluded that both Trump and Macron frequently used nationalistic discourses in order to unite and coordinate their respective nations, as well as economic and political discourses. Macron also used a militaristic discourse in his speech, while Trump isolated and elevated the United States from the rest of the world. Furthermore, power was manifested through political decisions and appealed to individual responsibility and discipline. Additionally, Macron highlighted state power with rules and punishment. Finally, this study can shed light on populist political communication during the coronavirus pandemic.

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The aim of this thesis is to discuss the concepts of public diplomacy and nation branding, find the link between them, and examine their effect on the economic development in Estonia. This thesis provides a thorough overview of relevant liter- ature on NB and PD. To dive into the practical part of nation branding it discusses the case of globally accepted, effective NB initiatives of Singapore. Moreover, it discusses Estonian's NB campaigns and four main instruments of PD and con- ducts economic analysis to examine the effects of NB and PD in Estonian economy from building credibility and international awareness points of view. To make the economic analysis more valuable and visually comprehensible, all discussed mi- croeconomic and macroeconomic indicators are captured for all three Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania). Both qualitative and quantitative methodolo- gies are used to answer the research question and hypotheses. The study found that NB and PD in Estonia positively affect the reaffirmation of national identity, facilitate business development, and increase international visibility which in turn ensures economic development in the country. Even though various other play- ers and factors are involved in the process of economic development, effectively designed NP and PD could...

This dissertation examines the representation of ethnic origins in Antonio Skármeta’s fiction. My hypothesis is that exile in Europe and return to Chile led the author to rethink his Dalmatian-Croatian roots and his sense of self in response to prevailing discourses of national identity. I assess Chile’s immigration history as well as the development of the idea of a homogeneous national identity. Blending concepts of ethnic narrative with theories of memory, identity, and literature, I trace Skármeta’s literary shift towards reclaiming his roots and initiating a critical dialogue with established notions of Chilean identity. I further argue that he grounds himself in literary tradition to inscribe immigrant stories into two major foundational genres, the historical novel and the family romance. I also show that, instead of accepting the truth-telling claims of historical fiction, Skármeta employs historiographic metafiction and intertextuality to emphasize the literary nature of fictional discourse and the role of literary figures in inventing the nation. Finally, I contend that these narratives constitute literary lieux de mémoire (Pierre Nora), which incorporate a subjective memory into the evolving discourses on Chilean identity, thereby recognizing pluralism and fostering mutual understanding.

Turkish denial of the Armenian Genocide is the most persistent case of institutionalized genocide denial in recorded history (Stanton, 2010). Through conducting a multimodal critical discourse analysis based on Foucauldian theories of power and exploring the socio-political dimensions of cultural trauma, memory, and photography, this thesis examines genocide denial in the case of the Armenian Genocide and seeks to understand why the ways in which we choose to remember the past matters. Genocide denial provides a compelling case for identifying how discourses legitimize power, politically, judicially, and globally. By applying a highly theoretical lens, I will consider how history is a highly political project of memory upheld by systems of power, while considering the role of eyewitness narration and documentation. It is in this tension between postmodern conceptualization of the regulatory function of discourse and the existence of historical fact that my thesis situates itself. My research will be informed primarily by Foucauldian (1982, 1995, 2003) theories of power and discourse; the unique role of witness photography in times of atrocity (P. Balakian, 2015; Batchen & Prosser, 2012; Clarke, 1997); and theories of trauma and memory (Alexander, 2004; Halbwachs & Coser, 1992; Herman, 1997; Wertsch & Roediger III, 2008).

The aim of my thesis is to analyse social and economic situation in Bohemia considering nationalism as a basic political idea of both Czech liberal political parties, and so to map a change in the leading positions in Czech liberal politics. This analysis also enables to appraise the goals of Young Czechs and Old Czechs who were the only representatives of Czech nation with regard to efforts of German liberal politics in Bohemia.

Diploma thesis "National identity in France and its role in the politics of Nicolas Sarkozy" deals with national identity as a political instrument used by the former French president Nicolas Sarkozy during his five-year term (2007-2012). The main objective of this work is to prove that the national identity in his discourse served to increase his popularity or to obtain far-right voters and that Nicolas Sarkozy used this policy instrument throughout his mandate despite the fact that he officially turned away from it after a failed public debate on the subject in 2010. As methodological basis for research on the topic and achievement of the objectives "critical discourse analysis" was selected and also "analysis of metaphors" was used as its complement. In the theoretical part of the thesis some of the basic scientific findings that deal with the "nation", "identity" and the development and construction of "national identity" are presented and discussed . The research consists of three main chapters devoted to the analysis of Nicolas Sarkozys' speeches during the given period. Chapters are divided according to the changing role of national identity in Sarkozy's political discourse - from the campaign tool in 2007, through the recovery of this instrument in 2009 and 2010 to its insertion in the...

The thesis deals with two images of the key "Others" in the Czech Republic in the second decade of its existence: communists and Romanies. It shows the characteristics that have been attributed to them, points out the attributes that were constructed as a threat, and informs about power relations into which they have been placed against the rest of society. The aim of the thesis is to show on what values society is constructed in discourses which create various forms of exclusion of these "Others". The introductory chapter summarizes the Czech relationship to the "Others": Germans, Russians, and Slovaks in the form of interpretative looks into key authors (especially Palacký, Kundera, and Pithart) Next chapter focuses on methodology and introduces the starting points of the analysis in the critical discourse analysis (especially Van Dijk, Wodak and Jäger) and in the foucaultian discourse analysis (especially Hansen). These starting points are combined with the concept of moral panic which is introduced in the third chapter which also discusses its problematic places. Analytical chapters are devoted to the election of president Václav Klaus and they also discuss the role of communists (February - June 2003) and society's reactions to ethnically contextualized violence in Šluknov Hook. They...