Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2000. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 128-156). Available also in a digital version from Dissertation Abstracts.

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Fachbereich Philosophie-Religionswissenschaften-Gesellschaftswissenschaften--Duisburg--Gerhard-Mercator-Universität, 1996. / Bibliogr. p. 295-310.

Chapter 1. Introduction- analysis of the conscription referendum of 1916..... Chapter 2. Compulsory Military Training in peace-time. Chapter 3. Towards compulsion in war-time. Chapter 4. The campaign in Victoria. Chapter 5. The vote in Victoria. Chapter 6. Conclusions.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2005. / AD-A436 143. Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-62). Also available online.

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This piece of research is an attempt to evaluate the relationship between military 'success' and the psychological preparedness of recruits in terms of their self-concepts and locus of control orientations. The new recruit is forced to adapt to the military environment which will, in turn, attempt to change him into an effective soldier. It was noticed by the researcher, who was involved in military training at the time, that a number of recruits, even some with seemingly limited potential, coped well, while others who seemed to have the ability failed to cope adequately. Recruits completed questionnaires which provided the researcher with biographical data and background information. In addition, the Bledsoe Self-Concept Scale and the Nowicki and Strickland Locus of Control Scale were used in order to determine their self-concepts and locus of control orientations respectively, prior to the beginning of national service. Detailed unstructured interviews were also conducted with a sample of military personnel, to provide another basis for gathering data and for clarifying some of the issues involved. Briefly, the chief conclusion of this researcher is that a significant majority of 'successful' recruits in the military environment have a positive self-concept and an internal locus of control. On the basis of the above finding, it is suggested that there is a need to guide pupils about certain aspects of military life before they begin their National Service. There would seem to be a need for this guidance to be incorporated into the school curriculum, together with such practical aspects as cadets, shooting, etc. There is a shortage of this kind of research on the military situation in South Africa, and it is suggested that numerous issues in this field need to be researched for the benefit of future conscripts and the military alike.

Soucieux d'avoir une armée nombreuse et efficace, Charles le Téméraire lance une série d'enquêtes féodales. Il s'agit pour lui de recenser ses vassaux et d'en obtenir un service militaire en fonction de la valeur de leurs fiefs. Entre 1467 et 1477, son personnel parcourt tous ses territoires pour recueillir les informations sur les terres et les rentes possédées et pour en contrôler les possesseurs. Ces recherches ont laissé des registres divers. Dans un contexte de guerres, de résistances diverses, de lenteurs administratives, quelle a été l'efficacité des enquêtes féodales ? / Since he was anxious to have a large and efficient army, Charles the Bold wanted to obtain from his vassals an armed service in accordance with the value of their fiefdoms. Therefore he launched a series of feudal surveys to inventory the lands and possessions of his vassals. Between 1467 and 1477, his staff travelled to all his territories collecting information about owned lands and incomes, thus providing a way to control the owners of those lands. Different records remain from those investigations. However, looking at these in the context of wars, of various opposing factors, and of administrative slowness, how efficient were these feudal surveys ?

Women’s wartime work is a well-known phenomenon in belligerent countries. But what happened in a neutral country like Sweden? With the outbreak of the Second World War, Sweden was put in a state of “national preparedness” that would last from September 1939 until the end of war in May 1945. From the autumn of 1939 the State Labour Market Commission (Statens arbetsmarknadskommission, SAK) had sent out signals to the employers’ associations in the engineering industry and at the ironworks that their male employees would not be granted exemptions from military service. Employers therefore had to find reserve workers, either men too old to be conscripted or women. The main purpose of this thesis is to explore how the threat of war affected the plans for and the use of women’s labour during the years of national preparedness. The national preparedness organisation did not include a plan ready for use to mobilise women either for work or for voluntary efforts for the nation during this period. The absence of a state plan for women’s national efforts became the point of departure for the Women's Organisations' Preparedness Committee, (Kvinnoföreningarnas beredskapskommitté, KBK) in 1938. The founding intention of this organisation was to gather Swedish women as a demonstration of their will to defend their country. A huge number of women – 800 000 – signed up for various tasks. This organisation was dominated by women who were eager to contribute to the national defence, and was not fully representative of the traditional women’s movement. With the passing of The National Compulsory Service Act (tjänstepliktslag) in December 1939 both men and women had become eligible for conscription. This was supposed to provide an instrument through which the government would be able to guarantee the supply of industrial labour. But the National Compulsory Service Act was never put into effect with regard to women. Instead, the governmental strategy to reach the female workforce was to establish a liaison between the state and the KBK. The Swedish way was the volunteer way. But this policy required propaganda. And so “Mrs. Loyal” made her entry in a state initiated propaganda newsreel on Swedish cinemas in January 1944. Mrs. Loyal was introduced as an example of “the national preparedness woman of today”. As a reserve worker in the engineering industry, she replaced a man who was called up for military service. The Mrs Loyal propaganda was aimed at married women whose children were grown up. The film presented the ideal situation where women registered for these courses voluntarily, to be fully trained if and when they were needed in industry. Towards the end of the war the SAK made inquiries to investigate the outcome of industrial employment during the war years. It then appeared that the Mrs Loyal-campaign had had an unexpected result. Few of the married housewives Mrs Loyal was supposed to attract had followed her example. In reality, it was a different group of women who took advantage of the opportunity. Young, unmarried women – daughters who still lived at home – saw an opening for them to leave home and earn their own livings. For these young women the preparedness situation and labour shortage actually became an opportunity for emancipation. How are we to understand the significance of the years 1939–1945 in terms of gender relations? The years of national preparedness in Sweden never became the opportunity for a broad range of women to leave their homes and become wage earners. In terms of gender contract, the housewife contract remained dominant. The traditional gender order never changed. The call for women workers was never a question of equal rights, just the temporary needs of the nation. But even if the changes were as superficial as the propaganda image, the need for women workers led to some changes. The question of equal pay was finally brought up on the political agenda with women’s entry in the engineering and ironworks industries. The conditions of labour shortage also placed a focus on other questions concerning the consequences of the protective labour legislation for women, like the prohibition against women’s night work and the question of women’s part-time work. The government had the opportunity to present new guidelines for women’s work at the end of the war. Instead a pattern was institutionalised that reinforced an image of women workers as a “latent labour reserve”. The propaganda picture of Mrs Loyal was forgotten, but in reality both married and unmarried women went on seeking solutions to the difficulties of combining wage work with children and housework.

This dissertation examines how the paradoxical process takes place whereby women are both integrated and segregated within male-dominated sites of social action, here in the Swedish labor market, national economy and military during the First World War. The potential of the First World War to change the societal gender distribution of labor in Sweden is limited by the fact that Sweden was not a belligerent state, and that the mobilization of men thus was limited. It is in social planning activity, and in the general state of preparedness for war and crisis, that this study has sought to analyze contemporaneous understandings of womens’ "tasks" in times of war and crisis. Earlier research has shown that women can be integrated in several different ways which can reproduce the gender order. This order can be re-created either in that women and men gain access to different "arenas" on different conditions, or in that women and men gain access to the same arena on different conditions (to mens’ advantage). From a gender-theoretical perspective, re-segregative integration is analyzed both at the level of conceptions and of practices. The study consists of three studies, regarding the domains of the labor market, the national economy (or economizing activity), and the military. The concept of the (social) task is used to capture those activities which voluntary organizations, the state, and/or womens’ organizations offered or enjoined/assigned to women in times of war and crisis. Women were offered tasks in e.g. the military medical service and in war veterinary care services, within so-called "time expense economizing" activities organized for the economy’s household sector, and with sewing articles of uniform clothing for older reserve troops (the landstormen). In addition, plans were laid up (although never carried out in practice) whereby women in wartime could be called upon to fill the "gaps" in the labor market left by men mobilized into the armed forces. In the domain of the labor market, womens’ integration was envisioned as taking place within an "extraordinary arena" on other conditions than those applying to men. Womens’ tasks were related to mens’ peacetime tasks, then being called "replacement work"; in relation to mens’ military service, placed into a context of "civil preparedness". In the domain of the national economy (or economizing activity), within the state National Economizing Commission, women were also integrated into a “special arena” on other conditions than those applying to men. Women were recruited into "womens’ administrations", or as the "only woman" to otherwise completely male-dominated administrations, and their tasks were limited to dealing with "the private households". In the domain of the military, women were still integrated into a "special arena" auxiliary to a male regular arena. Tasks were constituted as voluntary, were offered by voluntary organizations, and were focused on the provision of care services. In all these societal domains, a qualitative difference was created between what men did and what women did, or were envisioned to do. Womens’ tasks were constituted as feminized tasks. The tasks were however designed in a way which both challenged and confirmed more traditional conceptions of the "male defender", the "male provider", and the "masculine state and public sphere". One can reason here in terms of the gender order’s having been maintained, despite integration. In theory or in practice, this was done by tasks being recontextualized, whereby the existing order was maintained. By placing womens’ tasks into another context, order was secured, enabling the claim that "nothing has really happened". This could be expressed by saying that, when the gender order is threatened, a type of "assisting logic" intervened which placed threatening phenomena into a new context: the consequence of this was that tasks which women did, or were to do, became diminished.

This dissertation investigates how personal military service, which during the immensely popular Crimean War of 1854-6 was regarded as the business only of an abstract and lowly soldier-class, had by the eve of the Great War taken on the aspect of a clear and universal citizenly duty in London press discourse. It utilises text-searchable digitised newspaper archives to exhaustively review the whole body of relevant press debate in thirteen key London periodicals, identifying key shifts and trends in press conceptions of civilian military obligation over the six decades between the outbreak of the Crimean War in 1854 and the eve of the Great War in 1914. The analytical narrative that emerges highlights the importance of key events, including the Crimean War, Indian Mutiny, wars of Prussian expansionism, and Boer War, in promoting and shaping the coherent conception of citizenly duty towards military service that would go on to underpin not only the mass enlistments of 1914 but also the acceptance of conscription in 1916. It suggests also the important role of broader cultural and political trends – in particular, the advent of militarist Imperialism, the growing legitimacy of the state, the shift towards a more collectivist ‘social democratic’ liberalism, and the emergence of ‘contractual’ theories of citizenship – in facilitating a reconciliation between the military imperative towards mass civilian military participation and existing liberal values and ideologies. This dissertation reveals that the societal consensus on the duty to enlist in 1914 was by no means a foregone cultural conclusion, nor indeed the relic of an earlier heroic age, but rather the dynamic product of evolution and contestation over six decades. The present study not only provides vital context to our understanding of the ‘rush to the colours’ of 1914, but also represents the first historical investigation of an important and much-neglected aspect of the relationship between war and society.