This thesis is the result of ethnographic research conducted in a sending community in the state of Hidalgo, Mexico. This study calls into question the stereotypical view of Mexican women as passive and traditional. There are several conclusions reached during this study. First, the results reject Menjivar's (1999) and Levitt's (1998) argument. In the community studies, an unfulfilled economic or emotional absence encourages women to challenge the system of practice of Nurangi (participation in the labor force) even in the absence of a migration experience. Second, the analysis shows that contrary to our hypothesis, the physical absence of the male is not a trigger mechanism for women's participation in the labor force. Third, women from both migrant and non-migrant related groups have increased their human capital. However, migrant and non-migrant related women who participated in market activities not only expanded their human capital but also gained an economic and emotional benefit. Finally, the interviews have also shown that contrary to some literature that views Mexican women as passive and subordinate agents, the women in the Nurangi community are active agents, and what is sometimes perceived as a static gender division of labor is rather a fluid.

This thesis is the result of ethnographic research conducted in a sending community in the state of Hidalgo, Mexico. This study calls into question the stereotypical view of Mexican women as passive and traditional. There are several conclusions reached during this study. First, the results reject Menjivar's (1999) and Levitt's (1998) argument. In the community studies, an unfulfilled economic or emotional absence encourages women to challenge the system of practice of Nurangi (participation in the labor force) even in the absence of a migration experience. Second, the analysis shows that contrary to our hypothesis, the physical absence of the male is not a trigger mechanism for women's participation in the labor force. Third, women from both migrant and non-migrant related groups have increased their human capital. However, migrant and non-migrant related women who participated in market activities not only expanded their human capital but also gained an economic and emotional benefit. Finally, the interviews have also shown that contrary to some literature that views Mexican women as passive and subordinate agents, the women in the Nurangi community are active agents, and what is sometimes perceived as a static gender division of labor is rather a fluid.

Studien undersöker kvinnors representation, samt om det existerar några könsmönster inom kommunalpolitiken. Studien illustrerar hur könsfördelningen ser ut i Borås stad. En kartläggning utav kvinnliga förtroendevalda kommunpolitiker har genomförts för att åskådliggöra hur situationen angående könsmönster ser ut i dagsläget. Utöver detta har vi även utfört semistrukturerade intervjuer med respondenter från de olika partierna som är verksamma inom kommunalpolitiken i Borås stad för att få förståelse för hur situationen ser ut för de kvinnliga politikerna. Intervjuerna konstruerade vi utifrån referensramen, som vi därefter kopplat ihop med våra respondenters personliga upplevelser med hjälp utav vår analysmodell.De områden vi undersökt är kvinnorepresentation, vilka hinder de möter inom politiken, samt horisontell- och vertikal könsarbetsdelning. Vår undersökning visar att det finns en brist på kvinnlig representation inom kommunalpolitiken i Borås stad till viss del, samt vilken betydelse detta har. Dessutom visar undersökningen att både en horisontell- och vertikal könsarbetsdelning existerar i Borås stads kommun. Studien är skriven på svenska. / The study examines the representation of women, and the existence of any gender patterns in municipal politics. The study also illustrates gender distribution in the city of Borås. A survey of the female elected local councilors has been conducted to illustrate how the situation regarding gender patterns look like in the current situation. In addition, we also conducted semi-structured interviews with respondents from the various parties active in local politics in the city of Borås to get a comprehension in the situation of female politicians. We constructed the interviews on the basis of the reference framework, and then coupled with our respondents' personal experiences with our analysis model.The areas that we have examined are the representation of women, the barriers they face in politics, as well as horizontal and vertical gender division of labor. Our survey shows that there is a lack of female representation in local politics in the city of Borås, to some extent, and also what impact this has in the political situation that exists. Moreover, the survey shows that both a horizontal and vertical gender division of labor exists in the municipality of Borås.The study is written in Swedish.

This dissertation examines how the paradoxical process takes place whereby women are both integrated and segregated within male-dominated sites of social action, here in the Swedish labor market, national economy and military during the First World War. The potential of the First World War to change the societal gender distribution of labor in Sweden is limited by the fact that Sweden was not a belligerent state, and that the mobilization of men thus was limited. It is in social planning activity, and in the general state of preparedness for war and crisis, that this study has sought to analyze contemporaneous understandings of womens’ "tasks" in times of war and crisis. Earlier research has shown that women can be integrated in several different ways which can reproduce the gender order. This order can be re-created either in that women and men gain access to different "arenas" on different conditions, or in that women and men gain access to the same arena on different conditions (to mens’ advantage). From a gender-theoretical perspective, re-segregative integration is analyzed both at the level of conceptions and of practices. The study consists of three studies, regarding the domains of the labor market, the national economy (or economizing activity), and the military. The concept of the (social) task is used to capture those activities which voluntary organizations, the state, and/or womens’ organizations offered or enjoined/assigned to women in times of war and crisis. Women were offered tasks in e.g. the military medical service and in war veterinary care services, within so-called "time expense economizing" activities organized for the economy’s household sector, and with sewing articles of uniform clothing for older reserve troops (the landstormen). In addition, plans were laid up (although never carried out in practice) whereby women in wartime could be called upon to fill the "gaps" in the labor market left by men mobilized into the armed forces. In the domain of the labor market, womens’ integration was envisioned as taking place within an "extraordinary arena" on other conditions than those applying to men. Womens’ tasks were related to mens’ peacetime tasks, then being called "replacement work"; in relation to mens’ military service, placed into a context of "civil preparedness". In the domain of the national economy (or economizing activity), within the state National Economizing Commission, women were also integrated into a “special arena” on other conditions than those applying to men. Women were recruited into "womens’ administrations", or as the "only woman" to otherwise completely male-dominated administrations, and their tasks were limited to dealing with "the private households". In the domain of the military, women were still integrated into a "special arena" auxiliary to a male regular arena. Tasks were constituted as voluntary, were offered by voluntary organizations, and were focused on the provision of care services. In all these societal domains, a qualitative difference was created between what men did and what women did, or were envisioned to do. Womens’ tasks were constituted as feminized tasks. The tasks were however designed in a way which both challenged and confirmed more traditional conceptions of the "male defender", the "male provider", and the "masculine state and public sphere". One can reason here in terms of the gender order’s having been maintained, despite integration. In theory or in practice, this was done by tasks being recontextualized, whereby the existing order was maintained. By placing womens’ tasks into another context, order was secured, enabling the claim that "nothing has really happened". This could be expressed by saying that, when the gender order is threatened, a type of "assisting logic" intervened which placed threatening phenomena into a new context: the consequence of this was that tasks which women did, or were to do, became diminished.

This dissertation is a study of the changing living conditions for the Sami in Swedish Såpmi (Samiland) throughout the twentieth century with an analysis based on a gender and ethnic perspective. At the turn of the century, the Sami lived as nomadic reindeer herders and were primarily self- sufficient. This changed as the reindeer herders shifted from a self-sufficient lifestyle to a money economy tor a variety of reasons. Over time they became more integrated in the dominant Swedish society and even more dependent on it. Reindeer herding has become increasingly mechanized since the I960's with rationalizations as a result. Even in to the 1990's the industry was the object of streamlining ettorts. A process of masculinization has also occurred and today's reindeer herding is a distinctly male coded profession. Women do not regularly participate in the daily work of reindeer breeding and their ability to have any direct influence on the herding districts (sameby) is limited. This is also largely true in terms of the Sami Parliament, the Sami popularly elected body. The Sami population has experienced unfavorable special legislation and regulation from the State. The population was divided into several different categories with different rights. Sami women were marginalized two-fold and subordinated, partly because of their ethnic affiliation (as Sami) and partly because of their sex (as women). This continues to be true today. The analysis of gender division of labor shows that a married couple had their own autonomous areas of power within the household. The wife was however still subordinate to her husband in his role as master of the family. The older reindeer herding society was not noted for its equality. There was a distinct hierarchy based on sex, age, and social status. Division of labor in modern reindeer breeding is in principle based on the same normative system as the older nomadic society. The study of the ethnic processes in Såpmi shows among other things that from a Sami perspective, a person is Sami who is related to other Sami and whose actions are based on a Sami identity. It is also clear today that there are many different Sami identities, that an individual person draws from a number of such identities and that it is the context that determines which of these are active in any given situation. The Sami identity is sex-based, i.e. there is a difference between a "male Sami" and a "female Sami." Sami women, unlike Sami men, cannot be politically active while also being active based on their sexual identity. Were they to do so, they would be excluded by definition from their ethnic group. Sami women must therefore subordinate themselves as women to be "genuine" Sami. They thereby contribute to their own marginalization and help maintain their own subordinated position in the Sami society. / digitalisering@umu

Syfte: Syftet med detta examensarbete är att undersöka huruvida det mansdominerade byggarbetet och den machokultur som i vissa fall finns på arbetsplatsen påverkat kvinnliga tjänstemän i deras val av arbete, samt om de upplever att de märker av och påverkas av rådande normer och strukturer i arbetet. Metod: Examensarbetets datainsamling har genomförts på ett kvalitativt sätt i form av semistrukturerade intervjuer med sju kvinnliga tjänstemän från fyra olika byggföretag i Jönköpings län. Utöver det gjordes en litteraturstudie som lade en grund för undersökningen. Resultat: De intervjuade kvinnorna har i det tidiga stadiet av karriären reflekterat olika mycket på machokulturen och den manliga jargongen som skulle kunna tänkas uppenbara sig på deras framtida arbetsplatser. Vidare visar undersökningen att respondenterna i senare skeden upplevt machokulturen i liten eller större skala. Alla såg det dock inte som något särskilt anmärkningsvärt eller negativt, medan vissa vittnade om situationer som direkt går att anknyta till machokultur. Slutligen visade undersökningen att vissa intervjurespondenter upplevt skillnader gällande förutsättningar till att både utföra sitt arbete och att göra karriär. Konsekvenser: De flesta kvinnorna är ensamma på byggarbetsplatserna och har i viss mån upplevt machokulturen. Alla intervjurespondenter är eniga om att vi går åt rätt håll gällande såväl förutsättningar som bemötande. Vissa berättar dock om situationer med såväl arbetskollegor och företagsledningen som på något sätt fått dem att känna sig illa eller orättvist behandlade.  Rekommendationen är att företagen bör marknadsföra byggbranschen och då framförallt produktionsplatsen mot kvinnor. Fler studiebesök från skolans håll, då kan entreprenadföretagen visa upp byggarbetsplatsen och de yrkesroller som finns där. Byggföretagen bör också försöka få in fler kvinnor i ledande positioner som i sin tur kan bli förebilder för andra kvinnor. Förutsättningarna bör också bli jämnare när det kommer till bland annat arbetskläder och omklädningsrum. Byggföretagen bör slutligen se över om det går att förändra tjänsterna till att bli mer flexibla med arbetstiderna. Begränsningar: Då studien endast undersöker ett litet antal kvinnor på ett geografiskt begränsat område, bedöms arbetet inte ge några generaliserbara slutsatser för byggbranschen som helhet. Resultaten ger en bild av några kvinnors tankar och upplevelser av att arbeta i en mansdominerad miljö. Att komplettera studien med exempelvis enkäter till ett större urval kvinnor hade förmodligen ökat möjligheten till att dra mer generaliserbara slutsatser. / Purpose: The purpose of this bachelor thesis is to investigate if, and how, the male dominated construction work and the macho culture that may exist at the workplace have affected the female officers choices of occupation, and if they are affected by prevailing norms and structures at work. Method: The data collection for this bachelor thesis was conducted in a qualitative form of semi-structured interviews with seven female officials from four different construction companies in Jönköping County. In addition, a literature study was conducted that formed the basis for the study. Findings: In the early stages of their career, the interviewed women reflected to a varied extent on the macho culture and the male jargon that might be evident in their future workplaces. The survey also shows that respondents in later stages experienced the macho culture on a small or larger scale. However, everyone did not see it as particularly remarkable or negative, while some testified to situations directly linked to macho culture. Finally, the survey showed that some interview respondents experienced differences in the conditions for both performing their work and making a career. Implications: Most women are alone at the construction sites and have to some extent experienced the macho culture. All interview respondents agree that we are going in the right direction on both conditions and response. Some, however, talk about situations with both work colleagues and company management that somehow made them feel ill or unfairly treated. The recommendation is that companies should market the construction industry and especially the construction site towards women. More study visits from the school, then the construction companies can show the construction site and the different occupational roles that are there. The construction companies should also try to get more women into leading positions, which in turn can become role models for other women. The conditions should also be more even when it comes to, for example, work clothes and changing rooms. Finally, the construction companies should review whether it is possible to change the services to become more flexible with the working hours. Limitations: As the study only examines a small number of women in a geographically limited area, the work is not expected to give any generalizable conclusions for the construction industry. The results give a glimpse of some women's thoughts and experiences of working in a male-dominated environment. Supplementing the study with, for example, questionnaires to a larger sample of women would probably have increased the possibility of giving more generalizable conclusions.

Thèse réalisée en cotutelle avec l'Université catholique de Louvain / Cette thèse en philosophie politique féministe part avant tout d’un constat empirique. Malgré les avancées réalisées depuis les cinquante dernières années au plan de l’égalité des sexes, la division du travail entre les hommes et les femmes, aussi bien sur le marché de l’emploi que dans la famille, perdure toujours dans nos sociétés démocratiques. S’inscrivant dans une perspective résolument féministe, croisant les réflexions contemporaines sur la théorie politique du care et la méthode féministe postmarxiste, cette thèse propose une interprétation plausible de ce clivage. Dans une première partie, l’analyse de deux enjeux d’actualité en matière d’égalité des sexes, le soutien économique aux proches aidantes (chap. 1) et la reconnaissance du travail des mères et des femmes au foyer (chap. 2), me mène à la conclusion préliminaire suivante : malgré les objectifs visés, ces mesures politiques contribuent à enfermer encore davantage les femmes dans des rôles traditionnels. Dans une deuxième partie, je soutiens que ces mesures, ainsi que les approches féministes qui les sous-tendent, découlent elles-mêmes de processus de domination. L’argument avancé comporte quatre volets. J’aborde dans un premier temps les théories politiques du care. En inscrivant la réflexion sur le care dans une perspective politique, et non plus seulement morale, ces théoriciennes adoptent une définition du care comme « activité de soin » et visent à dissocier genre et care. Je suggère que malgré ces objectifs, elles adhèrent toujours à la logique différentialiste qui renforce le lien entre les femmes et le care lorsqu’il s’agit de proposer des politiques en matière d’égalité des sexes (chap. 3). En fait, cette logique différentialiste est intimement liée à la notion qu’elles se font du genre. Leur approche constructionniste, en démarquant le genre construit du sexe biologique, a pour effet de reconfirmer la différence des sexes (chap. 4). Sous ces approches, l’homme demeurant la norme et les femmes étant définies comme différentes, ces dernières intériorisent l’idée d’une « différence » logée en leurs propres corps (chap. 5). J’attire enfin l’attention sur la conception limitée que les théoriciennes se font du care, qu’elles posent comme l’équivalent des soins aux plus faibles (nourrissons, personnes malades, âgées et handicapées). Cette conception réductrice contribue à invisibiliser la plus grande partie du travail réalisé par les femmes dans leur vie quotidienne en soutien à ceux dont la dépendance ne se présente pas sous la forme la plus « extrême » : le care aux indépendants, c’est-à-dire tous les services (domestiques, de soins, reproductifs, sexuels) dévalués par leur principaux bénéficiaires, alors qu’ils constituent au même moment la condition essentielle à leur « indépendance ». Alors que le care aux indépendants demeure invisible, les femmes sont réassignées aux rôles traditionnels et les plus « puissants » continuent de dominer les institutions et le savoir qui porte sur elles. Rendre visible la part la plus « invisibilisée » du care et replacer notre commune vulnérabilité au cœur de la réflexion politique sur la justice représentent les premiers pas à franchir pour s’acheminer vers une société radicalement démocratique, une société libérée de la domination de genre (chap. 6). / The starting point of this thesis in feminist political philosophy is first and foremost a preoccupying empirical record. In spite of all the progress made in the past fifty years in matters of gender equality, the division of labor between men and women, at home as well as in the workplace, still persists in our democratic societies. In line with a decidedly feminist perspective, combining the contemporary reflections on the politics of care and a post-marxist feminist method, this thesis offers a plausible interpretation of this persisting division. In the first part, the analysis of two current gender equality issues, of the financial support to family caregivers (chap. 1) and of the economic recognition of the work done by mothers and housewives (chap. 2), leads me to the following preliminary conclusion: in spite of their goals, these political measures actually contribute to maintain the status quo, indeed, to further confine women to their traditional roles. In a second part, I argue that these measures, as well as the feminist approaches which underlie and support them, are themselves derived from processes of domination. This argument comprises four parts. First, I discuss the political theories of care. In shifting the debate from en ethic to a politic of care, these philosophers both wanted to illustrate the dimension of caring as an activity and to dissociate care from gender. I suggest that in spite of their goals, they still tend to stick to the differentialist logic which strengthens the links between woman and care when they put forward policies on gender equality (chap. 3). This logic of difference is actually closely linked to their notion of gender. Indeed, in distinguishing the socially constructed gender from the biological sex, their constructionist approach has the effect of confirming natural sexual differences (chap. 4). Man still being the norm and woman the «difference» under this view, women come to internalize the idea of a difference located in their own bodies (chap. 5). Finally, I bring to attention the very limited conception of care of these theorists, defined as care for the most vulnerable (infants, the sick, the old and the handicapped persons). This reductive conception actually contributes to invisibilize the largest part of the work done daily by women in support of those whose dependency doesn’t come under the most «extreme» form: the care of independents, that is, all the services (domestic, caring, reproductive and sexual services) devalued by their recipients while they constitute the condition for their «independence». As caring for «independents» remains invisible, women are ascribed to traditional roles and the most «powerful» are free to keep on dominating both institutions and the knowledge produced about it. Making this «invisibilized» part of caring visible, and replacing our common vulnerability at the heart of the political reflection on justice, are the first steps towards a radical democratic society, that is, a society freed from gender domination.

Cette thèse en philosophie politique féministe part avant tout d’un constat empirique. Malgré les avancées réalisées depuis les cinquante dernières années au plan de l’égalité des sexes, la division du travail entre les hommes et les femmes, aussi bien sur le marché de l’emploi que dans la famille, perdure toujours dans nos sociétés démocratiques. S’inscrivant dans une perspective résolument féministe, croisant les réflexions contemporaines sur la théorie politique du care et la méthode féministe postmarxiste, cette thèse propose une interprétation plausible de ce clivage. Dans une première partie, l’analyse de deux enjeux d’actualité en matière d’égalité des sexes, le soutien économique aux proches aidantes (chap. 1) et la reconnaissance du travail des mères et des femmes au foyer (chap. 2), me mène à la conclusion préliminaire suivante : malgré les objectifs visés, ces mesures politiques contribuent à enfermer encore davantage les femmes dans des rôles traditionnels. Dans une deuxième partie, je soutiens que ces mesures, ainsi que les approches féministes qui les sous-tendent, découlent elles-mêmes de processus de domination. L’argument avancé comporte quatre volets. J’aborde dans un premier temps les théories politiques du care. En inscrivant la réflexion sur le care dans une perspective politique, et non plus seulement morale, ces théoriciennes adoptent une définition du care comme « activité de soin » et visent à dissocier genre et care. Je suggère que malgré ces objectifs, elles adhèrent toujours à la logique différentialiste qui renforce le lien entre les femmes et le care lorsqu’il s’agit de proposer des politiques en matière d’égalité des sexes (chap. 3). En fait, cette logique différentialiste est intimement liée à la notion qu’elles se font du genre. Leur approche constructionniste, en démarquant le genre construit du sexe biologique, a pour effet de reconfirmer la différence des sexes (chap. 4). Sous ces approches, l’homme demeurant la norme et les femmes étant définies comme différentes, ces dernières intériorisent l’idée d’une « différence » logée en leurs propres corps (chap. 5). J’attire enfin l’attention sur la conception limitée que les théoriciennes se font du care, qu’elles posent comme l’équivalent des soins aux plus faibles (nourrissons, personnes malades, âgées et handicapées). Cette conception réductrice contribue à invisibiliser la plus grande partie du travail réalisé par les femmes dans leur vie quotidienne en soutien à ceux dont la dépendance ne se présente pas sous la forme la plus « extrême » : le care aux indépendants, c’est-à-dire tous les services (domestiques, de soins, reproductifs, sexuels) dévalués par leur principaux bénéficiaires, alors qu’ils constituent au même moment la condition essentielle à leur « indépendance ». Alors que le care aux indépendants demeure invisible, les femmes sont réassignées aux rôles traditionnels et les plus « puissants » continuent de dominer les institutions et le savoir qui porte sur elles. Rendre visible la part la plus « invisibilisée » du care et replacer notre commune vulnérabilité au cœur de la réflexion politique sur la justice représentent les premiers pas à franchir pour s’acheminer vers une société radicalement démocratique, une société libérée de la domination de genre (chap. 6). / The starting point of this thesis in feminist political philosophy is first and foremost a preoccupying empirical record. In spite of all the progress made in the past fifty years in matters of gender equality, the division of labor between men and women, at home as well as in the workplace, still persists in our democratic societies. In line with a decidedly feminist perspective, combining the contemporary reflections on the politics of care and a post-marxist feminist method, this thesis offers a plausible interpretation of this persisting division. In the first part, the analysis of two current gender equality issues, of the financial support to family caregivers (chap. 1) and of the economic recognition of the work done by mothers and housewives (chap. 2), leads me to the following preliminary conclusion: in spite of their goals, these political measures actually contribute to maintain the status quo, indeed, to further confine women to their traditional roles. In a second part, I argue that these measures, as well as the feminist approaches which underlie and support them, are themselves derived from processes of domination. This argument comprises four parts. First, I discuss the political theories of care. In shifting the debate from en ethic to a politic of care, these philosophers both wanted to illustrate the dimension of caring as an activity and to dissociate care from gender. I suggest that in spite of their goals, they still tend to stick to the differentialist logic which strengthens the links between woman and care when they put forward policies on gender equality (chap. 3). This logic of difference is actually closely linked to their notion of gender. Indeed, in distinguishing the socially constructed gender from the biological sex, their constructionist approach has the effect of confirming natural sexual differences (chap. 4). Man still being the norm and woman the «difference» under this view, women come to internalize the idea of a difference located in their own bodies (chap. 5). Finally, I bring to attention the very limited conception of care of these theorists, defined as care for the most vulnerable (infants, the sick, the old and the handicapped persons). This reductive conception actually contributes to invisibilize the largest part of the work done daily by women in support of those whose dependency doesn’t come under the most «extreme» form: the care of independents, that is, all the services (domestic, caring, reproductive and sexual services) devalued by their recipients while they constitute the condition for their «independence». As caring for «independents» remains invisible, women are ascribed to traditional roles and the most «powerful» are free to keep on dominating both institutions and the knowledge produced about it. Making this «invisibilized» part of caring visible, and replacing our common vulnerability at the heart of the political reflection on justice, are the first steps towards a radical democratic society, that is, a society freed from gender domination. / Thèse réalisée en cotutelle avec l'Université catholique de Louvain

Even though the idea of microcredit is to stimulate entrepreneurial activities in developing countries, there is an ongoing debate whether this is achieved. Many argue that only providing credit is not enough and see a need for additional components in promoting entrepreneurial activities for the stimulation of economic growth. Moreover, the importance of including women in economic development is widely acknowledged. In Lao People's Democratic Republic where many women run their own businesses and a majority of microcredit borrowers are women, we aimed to examine the relation between microcredit and female entrepreneurship. This was accomplished by conducting semi-structured interviews with 13 Laotian female microcredit borrowers running businesses, as well as interviews with seven representatives from organizations related to microcredit and female entrepreneurship. To understand the female entrepreneurs and the environment in which they operate, we developed a model where factors related to the loan agreement, networking, motivation, gender division of labor and training were identified as important components in the context of Lao PDR. The results support the view that a credit only approach is not enough for the development of female entrepreneurship in Lao PDR.