Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2004. / Supervisors: Mia Carter and Lisa Moore. Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Also available from UMI.

Diploma thesis "Media as an Agent of National Self-Confidence: Analysis of the Victory of the Czechoslovak Ice Hockey Players at the 1947 World Championship" deals with the reflection of the major sport event in the Czechoslovak media and how this reflection inspired the audience. The goal of this diploma thesis is to describe the dependance between the media coverage and the national self-confidence, which results from the national identity. Therefore, I focused on the chosen newspaper titles to analyze the content they produced during the 1947 Ice Hockey World Championship. I defined a hypothesis, based on observation and scholarly literature, that the media used the coverage to strengthen the national self-confidence and redefine the national identity. My second hypothesis was the idea, that this kind of coverage led to an active response among the audience. Before I started analyzing the three chosen titles (Lidova demokracie, Rude Pravo, Prace), I delivered complex structure of theoretical concepts, describing the influence media have towards the audience and also reasons why the members of the audience use media in their everyday life. I also focused on the historical and political context, as well as the media landscape that shaped the content of that time. I conducted the analysis and...

This thesis focuses on Czechoslovak radio broadcasting on BBC from September 1939 (when the separate Czech program started there) to the end of World War II in which there were participating political representatives of Czechoslovakia after partial recognition of Czechoslovak government in the exile by the British government in summer of 1940. Main theme of the thesis are the radio speeches of Jan Masaryk, the former (longtime) Czechoslovak ambassador in London and future Minister of Foreign Affairs of the exile government. He launched the Czech Programme of BBC for listeners in the Protectorate on 8th September 1939 and began to appear on the waves regularly once a week in February 1940. The thesis analyzes how he tried (in his speeches and comments) to encourage self-confidence of the nation, how he tried to nullify germanization endeavors of occupiers and quislings to reinterpret Czech historical narrative and by usage of what ideological weapons he was creating the image of small, but internally strong and mature Czechoslovak nation, morally exceeding its inherent German enemy. He used this story as a rhetorical shield against the Nazi interpretation of the Czech tribe, who returned to the womb of the modern Holy Roman Empire, where it belongs as natural part - by the words of the Nazi propaganda.

Η παρούσα εργασία επιδιώκει να παρουσιάσει τον τρόπο με τον οποίο παρουσιάζονται οι Έλληνες και οι άλλοι λαοί στα σχολικά βιβλία Ιστορίας της Γ' Λυκείου από το 1965 έως σήμερα. Στόχος είναι να ανιχνευθεί ο τρόπος με τον οποίο κατασκευάζονται η ιστορική μνήμη και η εθνική ταυτότητα, σκιαγραφώντας έτσι την αντίληψη που είναι πιθανό να διαμορφώσουν οι μελλοντικοί πολίτες για τον εθνικό τους «εαυτό» (national ‘‘self’’) αλλά και για τους γείτονες λαούς, δηλαδή τον εθνικό «άλλο» (national ‘‘other’’).Η εργασία χωρίζεται σε δύο μέρη, το θεωρητικό και το ερευνητικό. Στο πρώτο μέρος γίνεται λόγος για το Σχολικό Εγχειρίδιο (Textbook), για τη Διεθνή Έρευνα των Διδακτικών Εγχειριδίων (International Textbook Research) αλλά και για το ρόλο της εικονογράφησης (the role of Textbook Pictures).Στο δεύτερο μέρος γίνεται η παρουσίαση της έρευνας των σχολικών βιβλίων Ιστορίας , τόσο ως προς το κείμενο όσο και ως προς το περικείμενο. Η παρουσίαση ακολουθεί την πορεία της ποιοτικής ανάλυσης περιεχομένου (qualitative content analysis), που επιλέχθηκε ως ερευνητική μέθοδος. / The current essay focuses on the way Greeks and the other nations are presented in the new textbooks of History in High school at the period 1695 to 2007. The purpose of the author is to enlight the way the historic memory and the national identity are shaped, so that it will be understood –up to a point- what the future Greeks will think about their ‘self’ and the other nations due to the books.The essay is separated in two parts. In the first part, the basic relevant theory and terminology are presented. In particular, the author is referring to Textbooks, to International Textbook Research and to the role of Textbook Pictures.In the second part, the analysis of the textbooks and their pictures is presented according to the process of the qualitative content analysis that had been chosen as the method of analysis.

Ce mémoire vise à comprendre les motivations des États à intervenir militairement dans un autre État pour mettre fin aux violations graves des droits de l’homme tel que le nettoyage ethnique et le génocide. Plus précisément, nous cherchons à comprendre pourquoi il y a eu une variation dans la position américaine face aux cas de génocide au Rwanda en 1994, au Kosovo en 1999 et au Darfour de 2003 à 2008. À partir d’une approche réaliste en Relations Internationales qui met l’accent sur l’intérêt national égoïste comme facteur principal explicatif du comportement des États, nous procédons à l’étude des cas de la position américaine lors de trois crises humanitaires. Plus précisément, nous cherchons à comprendre la non intervention des États-Unis lors du génocide des Tutsis au Rwanda en 1994, l’intervention américaine au Kosovo en 1999, et enfin la non intervention américaine au Darfour de 2003 à 2008. En somme, nos études de cas démontrent que c’est l’intérêt national qui motive les États d’intervenir ou de ne pas intervenir lors des cas de nettoyage ethnique ou de génocide. D’une part, lors du génocide des Tutsis au Rwanda en 1994, les États-Unis ne sont pas intervenus car l’intérêt national interprété comme le repli sur les affaires internes américaines ne serait pas maximisé par l’intervention militaire. Ensuite, l’intervention des États-Unis et de l’OTAN au Kosovo en 1999 est expliquée par l’intérêt national américain dans un contexte de l’après guerre froide d’approfondir son engagement sécuritaire en Europe et de préserver sa position hégémonique et son prestige sur la scène internationale, d’assurer la stabilité régionale et de préserver la crédibilité de l’OTAN. Finalement, l’intérêt national défini en termes de sécurité dans un contexte de la guerre au terrorisme explique la non intervention américaine au Darfour de 2003 à 2008. / This master’s thesis seeks to analyze what motivates a state’s military intervention in another state in order to stop mass human rights violations such as ethnic cleansing and genocide. Particularly, it tries to explain the United States inconsistent behavior towards genocide and ethnic cleansing during the Rwanda 1994, the Kosovo 1999, and the Darfur 2003 to 2008 humanitarian crisis. Using arguments of the realist approach in International Relations, whose main explanatory factor for state behavior is egoistic national self- interest, this paper examines the United States position during these three human rights crisis. Specifically, we seek to understand the United States non intervention during the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda in 1994, the United States intervention in Kosovo in 1999, and finally the United States non intervention during the mass killings in Darfur in 2003 to 2008. These case studies demonstrate that shifting definitions of the national self-interest motivate states to intervene or not intervene in ethnic cleansing and genocide crisis. First, during the 1994 Tutsi genocide in Rwanda, the United States chose to not intervene because the national interest, defined as the concentration on domestic affairs, would not be maximized by a military intervention. Secondly, the United States and NATO military intervention during the Kosovo crisis in 1999 can be explained by the pursuit of national self-interest maximization: in the post cold war context, the United States seek to strengthen their security engagements in Europe, to preserve their position and prestige in the international arena, to ensure regional stability as well as the NATO credibility. Finally, it will be argued that the national security self-interests motivated the United States non intervention in Darfur 2003 to 2008.

<p>The thesis argues that, as a tradition, the concept of just war is socially and contextually sensitive and revisable. It explores the relevance of theory according to the dynamic changes in the nature of threats in the international arena and concludes that the just war tradition is still relevant to the contemporary modern threats that require an act of pre-emptive warfare. However, it needs some revision to be comprehensively applicable to the dynamic of modern threats and the nature of pre-emptive war. Due to the nature of pre-emptive war a nation launches the attack before the aggression from the other nation-in-conflict erupts. The author, therefore, proposed several theoretical and procedural revisions in both the principle of “Jus Ad Bellum” and “Jus In Bello” using the method of reflective equilibrium to create a comprehensive “just” pre-emptive war doctrine as part of the development and dynamic in just war tradition.</p>

The thesis argues that, as a tradition, the concept of just war is socially and contextually sensitive and revisable. It explores the relevance of theory according to the dynamic changes in the nature of threats in the international arena and concludes that the just war tradition is still relevant to the contemporary modern threats that require an act of pre-emptive warfare. However, it needs some revision to be comprehensively applicable to the dynamic of modern threats and the nature of pre-emptive war. Due to the nature of pre-emptive war a nation launches the attack before the aggression from the other nation-in-conflict erupts. The author, therefore, proposed several theoretical and procedural revisions in both the principle of “Jus Ad Bellum” and “Jus In Bello” using the method of reflective equilibrium to create a comprehensive “just” pre-emptive war doctrine as part of the development and dynamic in just war tradition.

Ce mémoire vise à comprendre les motivations des États à intervenir militairement dans un autre État pour mettre fin aux violations graves des droits de l’homme tel que le nettoyage ethnique et le génocide. Plus précisément, nous cherchons à comprendre pourquoi il y a eu une variation dans la position américaine face aux cas de génocide au Rwanda en 1994, au Kosovo en 1999 et au Darfour de 2003 à 2008. À partir d’une approche réaliste en Relations Internationales qui met l’accent sur l’intérêt national égoïste comme facteur principal explicatif du comportement des États, nous procédons à l’étude des cas de la position américaine lors de trois crises humanitaires. Plus précisément, nous cherchons à comprendre la non intervention des États-Unis lors du génocide des Tutsis au Rwanda en 1994, l’intervention américaine au Kosovo en 1999, et enfin la non intervention américaine au Darfour de 2003 à 2008. En somme, nos études de cas démontrent que c’est l’intérêt national qui motive les États d’intervenir ou de ne pas intervenir lors des cas de nettoyage ethnique ou de génocide. D’une part, lors du génocide des Tutsis au Rwanda en 1994, les États-Unis ne sont pas intervenus car l’intérêt national interprété comme le repli sur les affaires internes américaines ne serait pas maximisé par l’intervention militaire. Ensuite, l’intervention des États-Unis et de l’OTAN au Kosovo en 1999 est expliquée par l’intérêt national américain dans un contexte de l’après guerre froide d’approfondir son engagement sécuritaire en Europe et de préserver sa position hégémonique et son prestige sur la scène internationale, d’assurer la stabilité régionale et de préserver la crédibilité de l’OTAN. Finalement, l’intérêt national défini en termes de sécurité dans un contexte de la guerre au terrorisme explique la non intervention américaine au Darfour de 2003 à 2008. / This master’s thesis seeks to analyze what motivates a state’s military intervention in another state in order to stop mass human rights violations such as ethnic cleansing and genocide. Particularly, it tries to explain the United States inconsistent behavior towards genocide and ethnic cleansing during the Rwanda 1994, the Kosovo 1999, and the Darfur 2003 to 2008 humanitarian crisis. Using arguments of the realist approach in International Relations, whose main explanatory factor for state behavior is egoistic national self- interest, this paper examines the United States position during these three human rights crisis. Specifically, we seek to understand the United States non intervention during the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda in 1994, the United States intervention in Kosovo in 1999, and finally the United States non intervention during the mass killings in Darfur in 2003 to 2008. These case studies demonstrate that shifting definitions of the national self-interest motivate states to intervene or not intervene in ethnic cleansing and genocide crisis. First, during the 1994 Tutsi genocide in Rwanda, the United States chose to not intervene because the national interest, defined as the concentration on domestic affairs, would not be maximized by a military intervention. Secondly, the United States and NATO military intervention during the Kosovo crisis in 1999 can be explained by the pursuit of national self-interest maximization: in the post cold war context, the United States seek to strengthen their security engagements in Europe, to preserve their position and prestige in the international arena, to ensure regional stability as well as the NATO credibility. Finally, it will be argued that the national security self-interests motivated the United States non intervention in Darfur 2003 to 2008.