The purpose of the thesis is to examine the relationships between the Czech fascists and the National Democratic Party in all its forms. The thesis covers the analysis of these relationships and their displays. The author used analytical and comparative methods as well as available specialized literature and other sources. The dissertation is divided into four main chapters. The first chapter analyzes the fascist theory, its main characteristics and, in one of its subchapter, the specific Czech scheme for better understanding of the fascist environment during the First Czechoslovakian Republic era. The second chapter deals with fascists' actions and operation during the First Czechoslovakian Republic era. For important changes that took place in 1938, the political system of the so called "Second Republic" is briefly mentioned, as the political direction was extremely right wing oriented. The third chapter focuses on the National democratic party and analyzes the party's activities up to 1935. For better compression, the Czechoslovak political system is also outlined in this section. Chapter four is the key part of the dissertation as it deals with the relations and cooperation between the Czech fascists and National democracy and cooperation with the National Unity from 1935. To complete the...

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Ever since the military takeover of 1952, the post-monarchic political system of Egypt has been dependent upon a variety of mechanisms and structures to establish and further consolidate its powerbase. Among those, an intertwined web of what could be described as ‘patronage politics’ emerged as one of the main foundations of these tools and was utilized by the regime to establish the fundamentals of its rule. Throughout the post-1952 era, political patrons and respective clients were existent in Egyptian politics, shaping, to a great extent, the policies implemented by Egypt's rulers at the apex of the political system, as well as the tactics orchestrated by the populace within the middle and lower echelons of the polity. This study aims at analyzing the factors that ensured the durability of patronage networks within the Egyptian polity, primarily focusing on the sort of social structural reconfiguration that has been taking place in the popular communities of Egypt in the beginning of the 21st Century. Dissecting the area of Misr Al Qadima as an exemplar case study of Cairo’s popular quarters, the research mainly focuses on examining the role of the lesser notables, those middle patrons and clients that exist on the lower levels of the Egyptian polity within the ranks of the National Democratic Party and the Muslim Brotherhood. Henceforth, the sociopolitical agency of these lesser notabilities shall constitute the prime concern of the writing and, in doing so; this research also attempts to draw some linkage between the micro-level features of the popular polities of Cairo and the macro-level realities of the Egyptian polity at large, in the contemporary period.

Cette thèse interroge les continuités de l’extrême droite allemande après 1945 en s’intéressant aux femmes du Parti national-démocrate d’Allemagne (NPD) créé en 1964 en République fédérale. Focalisée sur les actrices, elle éclaire les spécificités des générations de femmes qui s’y sont succédé, des militantes « postfascistes », légalistes et républicaines des années 1960 aux militantes « néofascistes », nationales-révolutionnaires et antisystème des années 2000. Partant du constat de leur marginalité politique, ce travail étudie les rapports de genre et questionne l’agency féminine dans une extrême droite masculiniste. Afin de surmonter leur isolement, les femmes nationales-démocrates ont ponctuellement élaboré des stratégies d’auto-affirmation, passant notamment par des rassemblements féminins : après la fondation d’un Conseil des Femmes en 1968 et de groupes de femmes en 1976/1977, le Cercle des Femmes nationalistes, fondé en 2006, marque l’aboutissement de leurs revendications antisexistes, revendications qui posent également la question du rapport ambivalent qu’elles entretiennent avec le féminisme politique. Cette thèse propose, enfin, une analyse de l’idéologie des femmes nationales-démocrates : en politisant le « domaine féminin » (famille, culture, société), elles ont contribué à définir la ligne du NPD qui, au gré des transformations historiques, est passé de son souverainisme nationaliste initial à un nationalisme identitaire dans les années 1970/1980, avant d’aboutir, après 1990, à un nationalisme völkisch. Cette thèse pose ainsi un regard inédit sur les processus de féminisation dans l’extrême droite allemande et propose une lecture différente de l’histoire de la République fédérale. / This PhD thesis deals with the continuities of the far right in Germany after 1945 by examining the special case of extremist women in the National Democratic Party of Germany, founded in the Federal Republic of Germany in 1964. It analyses the characteristics of the generations of national-democratic women who succeeded each other, from the “postfascist” legalist and democratic activists of the 1960s to the national-revolutionary and anti-system “neofascists” of the 2000s. It examines their political marginality within the party and therefore questions the female agency in the masculinist far right. In order to break out of their isolation, national-democratic women have occasionally developed some self-affirmation strategies : after the foundation of a Federal Women’s Council in 1968, they founded Women’s Groups in 1976/1977 and a Circle of nationalist Women in 2006. This women’s organisation can be considered as the culmination of their antisexist claims, it therefore puts into question their relationship with political feminism. This thesis finally analyses the women’s ideology : through their “female domain” (family, culture, society), they have contributed to the definition of the NPD’s general party line which changed from a sovereigntist nationalism in the 1960s to an identitarian nationalism in the 1970s/1980s, and finally to a völkisch nationalism from 2000 onwards. Thus, this thesis sheds a light on feminisation processes on the far right and offers a different understanding of German history.