No / Baltic Germans who were active on behalf of especially German minorities throughout Europe during the 1920s have already found some recognition in especially German-language studies. Now they are receiving a wider coverage. Two of these men, Werner Hasselblatt and Ewald Ammende, came from Estonia and played a part in the development of the cultural autonomy legislation enacted in 1925. Traditionally this has been counted a positive contribution to the management of Europe's minorities during the inter-war period. During the 1930s at the latest, however, both Hasselblatt and Ammende drifted towards German National Socialism. Through an investigation of the ideas of these men, this paper attempts to interpret lives which helped to create apparently progressive legislation in the 1920s, but which compromised with a dreadful political movement soon afterwards. What were the motives behind their actions?

Historiography of the National Socialist Volksgemeinschaft, or people’s community, has traditionally been divided between historians surmising its construction under the Third Reich as a genuine undertaking meant to uplift German society, and those who view the project as a propaganda effort which assisted the Nazi Party (NSDAP) in retaining legitimacy. Utilizing the plethora of works written on the topic, and a handful of primary sources from pre-Nazified Germany, NSDAP officials, and average citizens alike, this work will demonstrate that, as early as 1807, German philosophers, statesmen, and eventually a large majority of the population yearned for the national unity of Volksgemeinschaft; that the National Socialists adapted the concept for their own ideology. Furthermore, this study finds that, although Adolf Hitler indeed exploited the Volksgemeinschaft for his retention of power, the Third Reich’s efforts in its development were certainly authentic, thus combining both schools of thought in the historiographical debate.

Inspired by 2009 pastiche Inglourious Basterds (US/DE), my research presents counterfactual historical film, firstly, as a marginalised type of film: the 2000s and 2010s have seen an abundance of overtly fictional films which do not intend to represent the past but nonetheless playfully refer to imageries of National Socialist and Holocaust history. These films have so far been neglected by historical film studies which, despite a consensus not to judge films according to their factual accuracy, tend to focus on genres close to historiography. My research considers as historical films the counterfactual parodies Churchill: The Hollywood Years (GB 2004) and Mein Führer: Die wirklich wahrste Wahrheit über Adolf Hitler (DE 2007), as well as Inglourious Basterds and, in a brief conclusion, Nazi zombie films. In this sense, counterfactual historical film is, secondly, a research approach which suggests reconfiguring academic definitions of the field of history and film and historical film. Assuming that historical film never visualises past reality but engages with a history that is always already medialised, I propose that the above films despite their counterfactual plots embark on a visual historical discourse, and what is more reflect upon cinema and history in their own enlightening ways. My analyses show how twenty-first century counterfactual historical films revise Nazi and Holocaust visual history, and how they describe National Socialist history as visually constructed and historical Nazism as an eclectic amalgamation drawing on fictional as well as factual media sources. In regard to the present, they explore tensions between popular and academic culture through the dissolving binaries of fiction film and historiographical fact, and propose to recognise the reciprocity of media representation and actual past as an object of research in its own right. My research demonstrates the value of cinema's playful engagement with history as a potential contribution to the theory and practise of historical film studies.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Erlangen, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 252-259) and index.

This thesis examines the National Socialists' ultimate designs for Germany's youth, conveniently organized within the Hitlerjugend. Prevailing scholarship portrays the Hitler Youth as a place for ideological indoctrination and activities akin to the modern Boy Scouts. Furthermore, it often implies that the Hitler Youth was paramilitary but always lacks support for this claim. These claims are not incorrect, but in regard to the paramilitary nature of the organization, they do not delve nearly deeply enough. The National Socialists ultimately desired to consolidate their control over the nation and to prepare the nation for a future war. Therefore, they needed to simultaneously indoctrinate German youth, securing the future existence of National Socialism but also ensuring that German youth carry out their orders and defend Germany, and train the youth in premilitary skills, deliberately attempting to increase the quality of the Wehrmacht and furnish it with a massive, trained reserve in case of war. This paper relies on published training manuals, translated propaganda, memoirs of former Hitler Youth members and secondary literature to examine the form and extent of the ideological indoctrination and premilitary training--which included the general Hitler Youth, special Hitler Youth subdivisions, military preparedness camps akin to boot camp, and elaborate war games which tested the youths' military knowledge. This thesis clearly demonstrates that the National Socialists desired to train the youth in skills that assisted them later in the Wehrmacht and reveals the process implemented by the National Socialists to instill these abilities in Germany's impressionable youth.

No description available.

A presente tese trata de discussões que ocorreram no âmbito do Instituto de Pesquisa Social em seu exílio nos Estados Unidos na primeira metade da década de 1940. O trabalho segue a constituição da crítica do capitalismo monopolista de Horkheimer e Adorno a partir de um debate sobre o nacional-socialismo organizado pelo Instituto na Universidade de Columbia em 1941, do qual tomaram parte Friedrich Pollock, Franz Neumann, Otto Kirchheimer, Arcadius R. L. Gurland e Herbert Marcuse. Nesse percurso, a abordagem da sociedade monopolista do capitalismo tardio por Horkheimer e Adorno se alia a uma crítica do processo civilizatório. A confluência da crítica do presente histórico com a crítica da civilização vai encontrar seu ápice na Dialética do Esclarecimento, livro em coautoria concluído em 1944. Encarando o livro como uma resposta ao debate de Columbia, a tese reconstrói este último e, na sequência, procura estabelecer mediações entre ele e a produção de Horkheimer e Adorno até a Dialética do Esclarecimento, analisando as transformações que se operaram e as novas determinações que ganharam lugar na trajetória intelectual dos dois autores nesse período. / This dissertation deals with discussions that took place at the Institute of Social Research during its exile in the United States in the first half of the 1940\'s. By approaching a debate on National Socialism organized by the Institute at Columbia University in 1941 attended by Friedrich Pollock, Franz Neumann, Otto Kirchheimer, Arcadius R. L. Gurland and Herbert Marcuse , it tracks the formation of Horkheimer and Adornos critique of monopoly capitalism. As the dissertation shows, the approach of monopolistic society adopted by Horkheimer and Adorno fuses with a critique of the process of civilization. The conflation of the critique of historical present with the critique of civilization culminates in the Dialectic of Enlightenment, a jointly authored book that was concluded in 1944. By viewing this work as an answer to the Columbia debate, the dissertation reconstructs the debate and, furthermore, seeks to establish mediations between it and Horkheimer and Adornos theoretical output up to and including the Dialectic of Enlightenment. The dissertation analyzes the transformations that occurred as well as new determinations that emerged in the intellectual trajectory of the two authors during this period.

A presente tese trata de discussões que ocorreram no âmbito do Instituto de Pesquisa Social em seu exílio nos Estados Unidos na primeira metade da década de 1940. O trabalho segue a constituição da crítica do capitalismo monopolista de Horkheimer e Adorno a partir de um debate sobre o nacional-socialismo organizado pelo Instituto na Universidade de Columbia em 1941, do qual tomaram parte Friedrich Pollock, Franz Neumann, Otto Kirchheimer, Arcadius R. L. Gurland e Herbert Marcuse. Nesse percurso, a abordagem da sociedade monopolista do capitalismo tardio por Horkheimer e Adorno se alia a uma crítica do processo civilizatório. A confluência da crítica do presente histórico com a crítica da civilização vai encontrar seu ápice na Dialética do Esclarecimento, livro em coautoria concluído em 1944. Encarando o livro como uma resposta ao debate de Columbia, a tese reconstrói este último e, na sequência, procura estabelecer mediações entre ele e a produção de Horkheimer e Adorno até a Dialética do Esclarecimento, analisando as transformações que se operaram e as novas determinações que ganharam lugar na trajetória intelectual dos dois autores nesse período. / This dissertation deals with discussions that took place at the Institute of Social Research during its exile in the United States in the first half of the 1940\'s. By approaching a debate on National Socialism organized by the Institute at Columbia University in 1941 attended by Friedrich Pollock, Franz Neumann, Otto Kirchheimer, Arcadius R. L. Gurland and Herbert Marcuse , it tracks the formation of Horkheimer and Adornos critique of monopoly capitalism. As the dissertation shows, the approach of monopolistic society adopted by Horkheimer and Adorno fuses with a critique of the process of civilization. The conflation of the critique of historical present with the critique of civilization culminates in the Dialectic of Enlightenment, a jointly authored book that was concluded in 1944. By viewing this work as an answer to the Columbia debate, the dissertation reconstructs the debate and, furthermore, seeks to establish mediations between it and Horkheimer and Adornos theoretical output up to and including the Dialectic of Enlightenment. The dissertation analyzes the transformations that occurred as well as new determinations that emerged in the intellectual trajectory of the two authors during this period.

Bibliography: leaves 156-167. The aim of this thesis is to show how in practice the National Socialists sacrificed ideological considerations to the material advantages that could be gained from the sale of "degenerate art". In practice the term "degenerate" was extended beyond modern art to include French Impressionist and Post-Impressionist art, specifically because they were highly saleable. This is evinced by the sales of "degenerate art" which were conducted by the Reichministerium für Volksklärung und Propaganda (RMVP). The record of the sales compiled by the propaganda ministry in the summer of 1941, provide conclusive evidence that the Reich government compromised its ideological position for financial gain. The sale of "degenerate art" conducted by order of the Reich at the Galerie Fischer auction in Lucerne in 1939, provides further evidence that the practice of confiscation was economically driven.

Die Arbeit gibt einen kurzen Abriss über die Grundlagen systemisch-konstruktivistischer Lerntheorie mit der anschließenden Fragestellung, was die aktuellen Forschungsergebnisse aus Neurobiologie, Philosophie, Psychologie und Erziehungswissenschaften zur didaktischen Auseinandersetzung mit dem Nationalsozialismus beitragen können. In der bisherigen Forschung zur didaktischen „Aufbereitung“ des Themas 'Nationalsozialismus' gibt es eine Fülle von Unterrichtskonzepten, Sequenzplanungen und Unterrichtsmaterialien. Mein Anspruch war es nicht, universal gültige Unterrichtspläne vorzulegen, sondern Unterricht bewusst offen, selbstorganisiert und systemisch zu gestalten. Dafür werden die Rahmenbedingungen von Unterricht zum Thema Nationalsozialismus näher beleuchtet, um anschließend didaktische Prinzipien und methodische Ansätze für die Beschäftigung mit dem Nationalsozialismus vorzustellen. Grundlage für diese Überlegungen waren vor allem Theodor W. Adornos Vortrag „Erziehung nach Auschwitz“, die konstruktivistischen Lernansätze von Rolf Arnold, Kersten Reich und Horst Siebert und aktuelle Projekte und Schriften aus der gedenkstättenpädagogischen Forschung von Matthias Heyl, Imke Scheurich, Verena Haug u.a. Eine explizit konstruktivistische Betrachtung von Geschichtsdidaktik und Gedenkstättenpädagogik steht noch aus, diese Arbeit versucht, einen Ansatz zur Schließung dieser Forschungslücke zu entwickeln. / This paper gives a short view into the basics of systemic-constructivist theory of learning with the question, what current research findings from neurobiology, philosophy, psychology and education can account for teaching confrontation with National Socialism. In the previous research on educational examination on this subject, there is a wealth of teaching concepts, sequence plannings and teaching materials. The claim is not to give universally valid lesson plans, but to develope deliberately open, self-organized and systemic arranged education. For this I analysed the basic conditions of teaching about National Socialism to present didactic principles and methodological approaches to the study of Nazism. Foundations of these considerations were Theodor W. Adorno's "Erziehung nach Auschwitz", constructivist theories of learning from Kersten Reich, Rolf Arnold and Horst Siebert and current projects and writings from memorial pedagogy by Matthias Heyl, Imke Scheurich, Verena Haug et al. An explicicitly constructivist view on history didactics and memorial pedagogy is still missing, so this work is an attempt to develop an approach to close that gap.