Abstract not available

The thesis analyses social and political change in twentieth-century Ukraine and its impact on the development of the national consciousness of Ukrainians. In the pre-revolutionary era Ukrainians had a weak sense of national identity because the strategic sectors of society were dominated by non-Ukrainian minority and because the infrastructures of national life were poorly developed. The 1917 revolution saw the rise of a Ukrainian national movement which, while unable to achieve independence, proved strong enough to force major concessions, such as the creation of a Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic and acceptance of the principle of Ukrainization policies, from the Bolsheviks. The transformation of socio-economic relations in the course of the revolution facilitated the entry Ukrainians into the socially-mobilised sectors of society, which, together with the development of the infrastructures of national life, brought Ukrainians to the threshold of nationhood by the end of the 1920s. During the first five-year plan Stalin's policies generated much opposition in Ukraine. The purges, the abandonment of Ukrainization, the great famine and the imposition of a totalitarian socio-political order in the 1930s, destroyed much of the fabric of Ukrainian national life. However, the rapid urbanization and industrialization saw Ukraine emerge as a majority of the socially-mobilised population. Also, the fact that many republican institutions survived, at least in form, facilitated the resurgence of Ukrainian national assertiveness in the post-Second World War period. Ukraine lagging economic development, large-scale Russian immigration and the Russification of Ukraine's educational system created a highly competitive environment in the republic which served as the social backdrop for a recrudescence of Ukrainian nationalism in the post-Stalin era. While the Ukrainian intelligentsia were the most vocal exponents of national claims, they were often backed by the new generation of Ukrainian political leaders who, having been trained for responsible positions, were anxious to assume them free from excessive interference from the centre. The Russian leadership's response to this new autonomism was to accelerate Russification and central control of the republic. These policies generated new national conflicts rather than resolve old ones.

The study attempts to determine the extent to which Arab nationalism, as expressed in the writings of Michel Aflaq, may be considered truly secular. The analysis of Aflaq's published essays and speeches focuses upon his treatment of religion in general and of Islam in particular. In order to present a valid analysis of his writlngs, the origins of Aflaq's thinking are traced to the experiences and influences he underwent. It is shown that, although Aflaq uses religious terms and concepts, he deprives them of all supra-human implications. Thus, the particularism engendered by different religious modes of worshlp loses much of its significance. Since Islam is, for Aflaq, the greatest expression of Arabism at its partlcular time, therefore, all Arabs, including Christians, can find themselves only through Islam. Arab nationalism, as expressed by Michel Aflaq, is secular only to the extent of subsuming Islam wlthin Arabism while resurrecting the philosophical and ethical principles of Islam suitable to the present time. For Aflaq, the principles suitable to the present lie in freedom, unity, and socialism.

No description available.

England has long been an anomaly in the nationalism literature. On the other hand the French Revolution has stood as the event embodying the emergence of all nationalism. Not infrequently, writings on other revolutions or civil wars display the absence of objectivity. This thesis attempts both objectivity and a basic orientation towards nationalism by exploring the structural context of emerging nationalisms in two revolutions. Each case depicts a significantly different context in which emerging nationalism develops. Next, I develop a test case drawn from the record of emerging Basque nationalism. This analysis draws out the consistency between the multiple characteristics of Basque nationalism and their structural orientations. The success of this test case helps in the refinement of our understanding of nationalism. / Master of Science

Zionism represents a turning point in the rise of the nation-state to its present near-ubiquity, a national movement which did not construct an identity concurrently with its embrace of nationalism, but reconstructed a diaspora to fit it. I explore how early Political Zionists, particularly Theodor Herzl, perceived both the push and pull of nationalism, and why they were drawn to adopt an ideology and political structure whose basic principles, I argue, were intrinsically hostile to Jews. I begin by examining the socialist Moses Hess as a forerunner and microcosm of later Zionism, arguing his work is underpinned by anxiety about social heterogeneity. The second chapter focuses on portrayals of diaspora, its contradictions and the ambivalence they caused towards less assimilated Jews, nonetheless used as models for national identity. I continue by investigating the countries Herzl looked to as partners on the world stage and models of nationhood, arguing his vision of nationhood was far broader than that of most nationalists and involved a recognised role among other nations. The fourth chapter concerns understandings of 'homeland' and the relationship between people and territory, concluding Zionism's effect is achieved, not just by inhabiting Palestine, but by public desire and effort to do so. I devote my final chapter to concepts of modernity, its perception as both paradoxical and inescapable, and how national historical narratives arrange history into a rational, linear structure. While Zionists left many presumptions of nationalism and modernity unchallenged, most importantly that both nation and state transcend political divides, my conclusion stresses those presumptions they accepted, those aspects they saw as inescapable, and those they pragmatically performed belief in, to achieve Gentile acceptance of Jewish nationhood. I surmise that it was this sense of inevitability, along with the difficulties of diaspora, which gave Jews reason to make displays of accepting the nation-state.

Stanislaw Moniuszko (1819-1872) is the father of the Polish national opera, and yet he is little known outside Poland. His two masterpieces, Halka and The Haunted Manor, are operatic works that contributed to the development of national music. Moniuszko composed during the middle of the nineteenth century when Poland was under control of the three Powers: Russia, Prussia, and Austria. A study of Polish history reveals the understanding of Moniuszko's position as an artist and the role of his operas. The national elements portrayed in his compositions include Polish dances, such as the polonaise, mazurka, and krakowiak, as well as folk tunes, and most importantly, the libretto with social and patriotic stances. This thesis intends to enlighten English speakers about the development of Polish national opera, its innovator, and his techniques. / by Marlena Niewczas. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2010. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2010. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

本項研究旨在探討近代中國男性知識分子性別與國族論述之間的互動關係，藉以突顯近年學者利用後殖民性別/國族理論模式解釋上述問題的盲點和不足之處。 / 根據後殖民性別/國族理論的觀點，反殖民男性精英的性別與國族論述之間呈現出對立和矛盾，這成為了學者們以性別角度，批評近代中國國族主義的基調。然而，本研究要論證的正是這種後殖民性別/國族理論難以完全解釋近代中國歷史語境中的相關議題。 / 本文第一章探討康有為的「男女平等」論述如何假借儒家傳統「聖人」的論述模式，開拓現代性別平等的論說空間；第二章分析金天翮在晚清國族主義脈絡下建構的「女權」論述，如何為當時女權主義者打開批判男權統治的論述場域；第三章闡述周作人五四時期的「女性」論述如何通過新性道德討論，以及批判父權意識型態，創建女性主體性的論述模式；第四章解析張競生的「女體」論述如何將女性情慾與國族論述連結起來，開創女性情慾自主論的空間。通過四位知識分子的思想分析，本文勾勒出晚清以迄五四這個歷史階段較突出的性別/國族論述模式，闡釋近代中國性別與國族論述之間的互動關係。 / This research aims to explore the interactive relation between gender and nation in the discourse of the Modern Chinese intellectuals. Through details examination of the interactive discourse of gender and nation, this study seeks to demonstrate the inadequacy of the postcolonial critique of the nationalist bias on gender. / According to the gender analyses of the post-colonialists, gender and nation appear to be placed in opposition and conflict with one another. It is from this perspective of gender that many Chinese study scholars advance their critique on Chinese nationalism. However what I want to argue in this thesis is that such application of the post-colonial critique on gender and nation is over-representation of the gender/nation discourse in the context of Modern China. / In the first chapter of this thesis, I shall demonstrate how the discourse of Kang Youwei on “equality between men and women (「男女平等」)has revised the conception of the “Confucian sagefor the alignment with the modern discourse on equality of gender. In the second chapter, I shall how Chin Sung-ts’en’s(「金天翮」) dissemination of the conception of“ Women’s Right(「女權」) has inspired the female elite to criticize the patriarchy in the context of the national discourse on Late Qing period. In the third chapter, I shall examine how Zhou Zuoren’s(周作人) discourse on women (「女性」)has, through his participation in the construction of the “New Sexual Morality and his critique of the ideology of patriarchy, constructed the discursive foundation of female subjectivity during May Fourth period. And finally, in the fourth chapter, I shall explain how the discourse of the “female body (「女體」) by Zhang Jingsheng (張競生) reinstates female sexuality into the nationalism discourse and how such connection creates the site of liberation for female sexuality. / By analysis these four different intellectuals, this thesis has traced the development of these distinctive models of discourse on gender and nation, and demonstrated a mutually implicated relation between the two from the Late Qing to the May Fourth period in Modern China. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 凌子威. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 143-164). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Ling Ziwei. / 前言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章： --- 傳統與現代性的角力：晚清「男女平等」論的開展 --- p.21 / 康有為的《大同書》：「男女平等」論的「聖人」模式 --- p.27 / 打破「內外之防」：女子獨立人格的肯定 --- p.34 / 推翻家庭專制：「去家界」的激進主張 --- p.38 / 結論 --- p.45 / Chapter 第二章： --- 女權主義與國族主義之間：晚清「女權」論的催生 --- p.47 / 歐洲「女權」說翻譯與移植 --- p.51 / 金天翮的《女界鐘》：「女權」與「新中國」論的互涉 --- p.62 / 化私為公：塑造「國民之母」形象 --- p.65 / 「女權」與「民權」：建構中國女子革命論 --- p.72 / 結論 --- p.82 / Chapter 第三章： --- 「反傳統」與主體建構：五四「女性」論的確立 --- p.88 / 周作人及其「靈肉一致」女性觀的探索 --- p.91 / 重建新性道德：貞操、自由戀愛與婚姻制度 --- p.96 / 打破性禁忌：「不淨觀」與「假道學」 --- p.105 / 結論 --- p.111 / Chapter 第四章： --- 「性」與國家：五四「女體」論的爭議 --- p.113 / 強種與優生：由晚清「反纏足」到五四「產兒限制」 --- p.116 / 張競生及其「第三種水」論：女體歡愉/強種救國的另類想像 --- p.124 / 反客為主：女性情慾自主權 --- p.131 / 結論 --- p.136 / Chapter 結論： --- 近代中國「性別」與「國族」論述的互動 --- p.139 / 徵引書目 --- p.143

No description available.

La communauté nationale constitue le sujet d’analyse de départ de nombreuses études historiques contemporaines. Depuis la Révolution française, la nation, acteur légitimateur de l’État souverain, est considérée comme l’incarnation et l’expression d’une identité collective, elle-même composée de celle de la multiplicité des citoyens qui la constituent. Aussi, dès cette époque, les historiens se sont-ils attachés à édifier des histoires « nationales », coïncidant bien souvent avec une quête des éléments fondateurs essentiels de la nation. La doctrine élitiste et la tradition stato-nationaliste se sont longtemps conjuguées pour privilégier l’image de nations homogènes, faisant de ces histoires « nationales » en réalité l’histoire de la nation symboliquement majoritaire de l’État-nation censé représenter la diversité de ses citoyens. Or, la démocratisation et la diversification des sociétés occidentales ont progressivement invalidé ces postulats. Depuis la Deuxième Guerre mondiale la nécessité se fait ressentir de redéfinir la nation sur la base de la reconnaissance de son assise populaire et de la diversité de sa composition. Ce besoin se traduit par un intérêt croissant accordé aux minorités nationales, tant dans le monde politique que dans la communauté scientifique. Toutes les minorités ne bénéficient toutefois pas de cet élan, si bien que certaines restent encore largement ignorées à l’heure actuelle. Notre étude se penche sur deux d’entre elles :les francophones de Flandre et les anglophones du Québec, grands laissés pour compte des historiographies respectivement belge et canadienne. L’évolution de ces anciennes minorités dominantes, autrefois « définisseurs de situation » en Belgique et au Canada, est pourtant fondamentale pour comprendre les conflits linguistiques qui ont occupé (et occupent encore) ces pays. Elle est déterminante pour la forme que prennent les identités flamande et québécoise et, partant, les nations belge et canadienne. La comparaison de ces deux minorités permet, quant à elle, de cerner la complexité et la spécificité des nationalismes flamand et québécois. Partant du postulat que les nations sont des constructions sociales imaginées, cette étude a pour ambition de retracer les étapes de la formation nationale en Flandre et au Québec, en se concentrant sur le rôle de l’altérité dans celle-ci. Elle se focalise sur l’analyse des discours des minorités et des majorités dans ces régions, conçus comme des actes de définition identitaire interactifs et interdépendants. Elle se penche sur les villes d’Anvers et de Montréal, lieux de cristallisation des débats communautaires respectivement en Flandre et au Québec. Enfin, elle considère les périodes charnières au cours desquelles les majorités en ces régions se lancèrent à la « reconquête » de « leur » société, sanctionnant par là même la minorisation effective des francophones de Flandre et des anglophones du Québec. Ouvrant la porte d’un domaine laissé en friche, nous espérons ainsi donner une impulsion nouvelle à la recherche historique en Belgique et au Canada, en faisant (re)découvrir l’histoire de ces sociétés sous un angle inédit. / Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished