This thesis is an empirical investigation of the concentration of employment in Australian cities since 1976. In 1976, Australians shared the same access to employment irrespective of where they lived. However, by 1991 the employment–population ratios varied systematically by socio-economic status. The purpose of this thesis is to use a variety of basic statistical techniques to discern whether it matters where one lives.¶ A panel of 9384 small urban areas is constructed from the last four censuses to enable us to fully document the increasing spatial employment inequality in urban areas and to analyse the possible causes and effects of this increase. The first two chapters describe the overall changes in employment inequality in the urban panel using several summary indexes. Group averages from deciles ranked by socio-economic status are used to illustrate the nature of the problem.¶ The more formal analysis of the causes of increasing inequality commences with a shift share analysis of the changes in employment levels. The results show that national changes in industry structure play an important role in determining the intra-urban distribution of employment. The index of sectoral change also varies systematically within Australian cities, with sectoral change being concentrated in low status areas. The apparent importance of industry structure in determining the geographic dispersion of employment points to employment demand being a significant part of the story.¶ Basic regression techniques and principal component analysis are also used to shed light on several possible inter-related causes and effects of the increasing inequality of employment–population ratios including: increased concentrations of personal characteristics, spatial mismatch, neighbourhood effects and the development of an underclass.¶ There are three main findings about the causes and effects of neighbourhood employment inequality. Firstly, spatial mismatch within or between Australian cities is not an important explanation of the changes in the geographic dispersion of employment. Outside Sydney the location of workers vis-à-vis firms does not influence neighbourhood employment–population ratios. However, even in Sydney, spatial mismatch provides a very limited explanation of neighbourhood inequality.¶ Secondly, substantial neighbourhood-specific effects on employment–population ratios are apparent in the bottom decile(s) of urban neighbourhoods ranked by socio-economic status. These neighbourhood effects explain between one and two-thirds of the differential between the top and bottom decile. The rest of the differential can be explained by differences in endowments of personal characteristics such as human capital variables.¶ Finally, there is convincing evidence that class, and perhaps even an Australian underclass, are important determinants of the distribution of employment outcomes. The underclass in Australia, as measured using techniques similar to US studies, is still very small but is increasing at an alarming rate. However, the sensitivity analysis shows that the underclass, so measured, is closely related to a more general concept of class captured in standard socio-economic status indexes.¶ The scope of this thesis is limited by the regional aggregates supplied in all four censuses. Regional aggregates prevent us from asking subtle questions about who is being affected by the observed changes. The lack of adequate individual-level migration data for neighbourhoods means that it is not possible to directly test any hypothesis about social mobility. This thesis is merely a preliminary analysis of whether the local social environment is important.

This dissertation examines how to evaluate a place-based poverty reduction program across different sites and scales. Unpacking urban planning’s dominant, normative construction of poverty, neighbourhoods, youth, and evaluation, this thesis presents an alternative view of evaluation, which recognizes the complexity and diversity of qualitative narratives describing the impacts of targeted human service programs on the places and peoples they serve. To answer this question, I crafted a theoretical framework linking the concept of the right to the city as presented by Lefebvre (1996), to Uri Bronfenbrenner’s (1977, 1979), 1995) understanding of the micro, macro, and meso systems in which children and youth operate. I then conducted a small-scale, qualitative case study of Pathways to Education Canada as it replicated and expanded, to examine and explore different ways of evaluating the success of a place-based poverty human service program. Using a participatory methodology, I listened to different stakeholders’ voices, particularly those of youth and staff, to examine and explore tensions in the construction of success.

This dissertation examines how to evaluate a place-based poverty reduction program across different sites and scales. Unpacking urban planning’s dominant, normative construction of poverty, neighbourhoods, youth, and evaluation, this thesis presents an alternative view of evaluation, which recognizes the complexity and diversity of qualitative narratives describing the impacts of targeted human service programs on the places and peoples they serve. To answer this question, I crafted a theoretical framework linking the concept of the right to the city as presented by Lefebvre (1996), to Uri Bronfenbrenner’s (1977, 1979), 1995) understanding of the micro, macro, and meso systems in which children and youth operate. I then conducted a small-scale, qualitative case study of Pathways to Education Canada as it replicated and expanded, to examine and explore different ways of evaluating the success of a place-based poverty human service program. Using a participatory methodology, I listened to different stakeholders’ voices, particularly those of youth and staff, to examine and explore tensions in the construction of success.

In recent decades there has been a rekindling of academic interest in place, and with the way in which processes associated with modernity, globalisation and individualisation may have diminished place based communities, and weakened the attachment between individuals and the neighbourhoods in which they live. There are also debates about the importance of neighbourhood context, particularly whether neighbourhood level material deprivation and increased ethnic diversity act to reduce individual belonging to neighbourhoods and interactions between neighbours. This thesis aims to contribute towards an understanding of the ways in which individual belonging to neighbourhoods, and interaction with neighbours, may have changed over time, in relation to individual and neighbourhood context. Data from the British Household Panel Survey, for England, for the period 1998 to 2008, measuring the outcomes of individual level belonging to neighbourhoods and the likelihood of talking to neighbours, are combined with neighbourhood level Census data. Longitudinal models are used to test for age and cohort effects, and then extended to consider neighbourhood level context. Specific attention is given to the relationship between the outcomes under study and neighbourhood material deprivation, neighbourhood ethnic diversity, household income and individual mobility between neighbourhoods. Some evidence was found for cohort effects, with younger cohorts, particularly those in higher income households, being less likely to talk to neighbours. There were no apparent cohort effects for the outcome of belonging to the neighbourhood, which is found to be associated with age (generally increasing as individuals get older), and neighbourhood context. In materially deprived neighbourhoods levels of belonging are lower, but only for individuals in households with low incomes. Similarly any effect of individual mobility was found to be conditional on household income and neighbourhood level material deprivation. In general, high or increasing neighbourhood level ethnic diversity was not associated with reduced individual belonging to neighbourhoods or likelihood of talking to neighbours once other contextual variables were considered. Also, increased ethnic diversity had a small positive effect on the outcomes under study for individuals living in neighbourhoods with high levels of material deprivation.

The number of universities in Sweden has increased since the 1960s and universities have been discussed to have economic and social advantages to the community they are established in. At the same time, residential segregation is an increasing problem which affects the opportunities in life of the most vulnerable. This study aims to explore if the presence of one or several anchor institutions may have an effect on the school achievements of pupils from neighbourhoods with different socioeconomic status in secondary school and upper secondary school. Furthermore, it aims to investigate how the presence of HEIs affect adolescents’ opportunities in life, especially in vulnerable neighbourhoods. The effects of HEIs on the neighbourhoods with different socioeconomic status in Sweden are measured through linear regression analyses with interaction effects. The findings suggest that (1) the presence of university campuses have an equalisation effect on the school achievements of secondary and upper secondary school pupils; (2) the university design matters: new universities have an equalisation effect on the school achievements in contrary to old universities; (3) the presence of a university hospital does not have an improving effect on the grades like universities do, in contrary, the findings suggest that they have a negative effect; and finally (4), there are some evidence indicating that the findings can be explained by endogenous neighbourhood effects, as the presence of universities increase the number of role models within the community, which would affect the school achievements of secondary and upper secondary school pupils.

This study identifies the extent to which neighbourhood socioeconomic trends are related to intentional and unintentional child injuries in Toronto, Ontario. Children living in lower socioeconomic status (SES) neighbourhoods have often been found to face a higher injury death and morbidity rate than more well‐off children. A likely explanation is an increase in the unequal exposure to injury-promoting environments on the basis of the income polarization (a declining middle income group). However, the strength of the inverse relationship between SES and injury is related to a number of factors, including the SES indicator chosen by the researcher. Hence, a goal of the study is to determine whether neighbourhood socioeconomic trends toward income polarization have predictive power in explaining variation in injury rates in young children aged 0-6, over and above more typical measures of SES and neighbourhood disadvantage. Census data were used to determine socioeconomic trends. Neighbourhoods (census tracts) were divided into three distinct categories based on neighbourhood change in average individual income: neighbourhoods that have been improving, declining, and those displaying mixed trends. This analysis of neighbourhoods was merged with geo-coded hospital-based emergency department data to calculate rates of overall injuries, falls, burns and poisoning. The predictive power of neighbourhood socioeconomic trends on injury was compared to more typical neighbourhood disadvantage measures such as income (high, medium, low), neighbourhood employment rates, education levels, and housing quality from the 2006 census. Socioeconomic trends contributed significantly to injury outcomes, but the contribution of other neighbourhood disadvantage indicators was higher. Housing in need of repair and individuals with no university degree in a neighbourhood were positively correlated with three of four outcomes. A high immigrant population in a neighbourhood was negatively correlated with three of four outcomes. Neighbourhood socioeconomic trends had slightly more predictive power than the more typical measure of SES (high, medium or low income). Researchers should carefully consider their socioeconomic status measures when predicting injury outcomes.

This study identifies the extent to which neighbourhood socioeconomic trends are related to intentional and unintentional child injuries in Toronto, Ontario. Children living in lower socioeconomic status (SES) neighbourhoods have often been found to face a higher injury death and morbidity rate than more well‐off children. A likely explanation is an increase in the unequal exposure to injury-promoting environments on the basis of the income polarization (a declining middle income group). However, the strength of the inverse relationship between SES and injury is related to a number of factors, including the SES indicator chosen by the researcher. Hence, a goal of the study is to determine whether neighbourhood socioeconomic trends toward income polarization have predictive power in explaining variation in injury rates in young children aged 0-6, over and above more typical measures of SES and neighbourhood disadvantage. Census data were used to determine socioeconomic trends. Neighbourhoods (census tracts) were divided into three distinct categories based on neighbourhood change in average individual income: neighbourhoods that have been improving, declining, and those displaying mixed trends. This analysis of neighbourhoods was merged with geo-coded hospital-based emergency department data to calculate rates of overall injuries, falls, burns and poisoning. The predictive power of neighbourhood socioeconomic trends on injury was compared to more typical neighbourhood disadvantage measures such as income (high, medium, low), neighbourhood employment rates, education levels, and housing quality from the 2006 census. Socioeconomic trends contributed significantly to injury outcomes, but the contribution of other neighbourhood disadvantage indicators was higher. Housing in need of repair and individuals with no university degree in a neighbourhood were positively correlated with three of four outcomes. A high immigrant population in a neighbourhood was negatively correlated with three of four outcomes. Neighbourhood socioeconomic trends had slightly more predictive power than the more typical measure of SES (high, medium or low income). Researchers should carefully consider their socioeconomic status measures when predicting injury outcomes.

This sandwich dissertation examines physical disorder as a type of ‘neighbourhood effect’ on education. My research takes a mixed-methods approach to understanding how physical disorder in areas surrounding schools might affect their educational outcomes, such as achievement, climate and discipline, over and above the demographic characteristics of their students. It also points to two possible mechanisms to therefore determine how these net effects might arise. This original contribution to the neighbourhood effects literature combines citywide, systematic data on physical disorder, neighbourhood demographics and school outcomes, with qualitative data on the views of stakeholders and repeated observations of select neighbourhoods. Through a quantitative and method-intensive paper, Chapter two discusses the procedures for collecting data on disorder, developing different scales of disorder, and how disorder relates to a variety of census measures and other neighbourhood and school measures. This research presents evidence that Systematic Social Observation (SSO) can provide a reliable and cost effective means of neighbourhood assessment. The results show that observed disorder is statistically related to neighbourhood socio-demographics, collective efficacy, and various academic outcomes. What is surprising, however, was that school exterior disorder had little to no explanatory power compared to observed disorder and graffiti in the face blocks surrounding schools. These findings highlight how beyond the recognized effects of socio-demographics, additional mechanisms in neighbourhoods, such as disorder and graffiti, can directly and indirectly influence school outcomes like achievement, discipline, and safety. My third chapter directly studies the impact of characteristics of neighbourhoods by examining the direct and additive effect(s) of observed disorder on academic achievement, discipline, and safety. Two sets of findings were reported. First, ordinary least squares (OLS) regression models showed that neighbourhood disorder but not school disorder was strongly associated with neighbourhood poverty. While the former effect was expected, the latter finding is interpreted as demonstrating how institutional processes in education can detach school physical plants from their immediate surroundings. Second, net of neighbourhood poverty and school size and type, higher levels of neighbourhood disorder were associated with lower school achievement, higher suspension rates, and larger proportions of students reporting to feel unsafe, though school disorder had far weaker effects. These findings are interpreted as demonstrating the power of neighbourhood disorder to trigger either student deviance or family self-selection processes, but also demonstrating how institutional processes can weaken the signalling power of disorder on school grounds and property. The fourth chapter provides an in-depth examination of two purported mechanisms to uncover the social processes that generated the broad relationships established in chapters 2 and 3. This research demonstrates that self-selection and reputational processes are likely generators of the net effects that were demonstrated in previous chapters. My qualitative evidence suggests that nearby disorder likely sends negative signals to would-be choosers of schools, creating (and perpetuating) long-lasting perceptions and reputations amongst aspiring, ambitious and achievement-oriented families. Schools with lots of nearby disorder are regarded to have deep-rooted problems, connected to their local populations and building conditions. As a result, aspiring families were recognized to self-select out of these disorderly schools, and re-locate elsewhere. This sandwich dissertation has found an intriguing pattern of effects and non-effects of disorder on schooling. It also highlights how neighbourhood disorder can send strong signals that ultimately shape school processes. Though many neighbourhood researchers have applied hypotheses of disorder to a variety of human capital outcomes there has been little recognition of disorder as a physical ‘neighbourhood effect’ on schooling. From this perspective, it is not only helpful to recognize that disorder in nearby areas seems to affect schooling, but that self-selection and reputation processes can explain how this specific neighbourhood effect might arise. Since a shortcoming of existing work is that neighbourhood attributes are measured primarily using census data, the contribution of this dissertation to sociology is that researchers are now better equipped methodologically to design their own standardized approaches and disorder scales that directly measure neighbourhood conditions. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

<p>Because of the socioeconomic and ethnic segregation in many Swedish towns, residents with different social backgrounds are often living in separate neighbourhoods. This thesis focuses on children aged between 11 and 14 and explores the spatial extent of their social networks, their spatial mobility and spatial representations. By studying these aspects of children’s daily lives the study attempts to contribute to a better understanding of the underlying mechanisms behind neighbourhood effects.</p><p>The spatial extension of the daily lives of children in seven adjacent neighbourhoods in a medium sized Swedish town is mapped. By using children’s activity diaries, surveys with parents and children’s maps the study explores to which extent children with different personal characteristics and from different neighbourhoods have friends outside their own neighbourhoods, where they spend time and what kind of activities they engage in and with whom. The study shows that the possibility to get their own direct experience of other neighbourhoods differs between groups of children, much depending on the geographical extension of their social networks, which in turn appears mainly to be a consequence of school reception areas and, indirectly, school popularity.</p><p>By using children’s maps and group interviews children’s perspectives of their own and other neighbourhoods are analysed. The thesis illustrates how children feel about and discuss their own neighbourhoods and other neighbourhoods in town. The children in the study emphasize their own neighbourhood as a good and quiet neighbourhood, irrespective of the neighbourhood’s character and status. One of the neighbourhoods is stigmatised in the public discourse. Among the children there is a living debate in relation to this neighbourhood. In group interviews the children sometimes confirm, sometimes critically question the rumours about this neighbourhood. The children which live in this neighbourhood are aware of the bad reputation and also act and react upon it</p>

Because of the socioeconomic and ethnic segregation in many Swedish towns, residents with different social backgrounds are often living in separate neighbourhoods. This thesis focuses on children aged between 11 and 14 and explores the spatial extent of their social networks, their spatial mobility and spatial representations. By studying these aspects of children’s daily lives the study attempts to contribute to a better understanding of the underlying mechanisms behind neighbourhood effects. The spatial extension of the daily lives of children in seven adjacent neighbourhoods in a medium sized Swedish town is mapped. By using children’s activity diaries, surveys with parents and children’s maps the study explores to which extent children with different personal characteristics and from different neighbourhoods have friends outside their own neighbourhoods, where they spend time and what kind of activities they engage in and with whom. The study shows that the possibility to get their own direct experience of other neighbourhoods differs between groups of children, much depending on the geographical extension of their social networks, which in turn appears mainly to be a consequence of school reception areas and, indirectly, school popularity. By using children’s maps and group interviews children’s perspectives of their own and other neighbourhoods are analysed. The thesis illustrates how children feel about and discuss their own neighbourhoods and other neighbourhoods in town. The children in the study emphasize their own neighbourhood as a good and quiet neighbourhood, irrespective of the neighbourhood’s character and status. One of the neighbourhoods is stigmatised in the public discourse. Among the children there is a living debate in relation to this neighbourhood. In group interviews the children sometimes confirm, sometimes critically question the rumours about this neighbourhood. The children which live in this neighbourhood are aware of the bad reputation and also act and react upon it