No description available.

This thesis is an empirical investigation of the concentration of employment in Australian cities since 1976. In 1976, Australians shared the same access to employment irrespective of where they lived. However, by 1991 the employment–population ratios varied systematically by socio-economic status. The purpose of this thesis is to use a variety of basic statistical techniques to discern whether it matters where one lives.¶ A panel of 9384 small urban areas is constructed from the last four censuses to enable us to fully document the increasing spatial employment inequality in urban areas and to analyse the possible causes and effects of this increase. The first two chapters describe the overall changes in employment inequality in the urban panel using several summary indexes. Group averages from deciles ranked by socio-economic status are used to illustrate the nature of the problem.¶ The more formal analysis of the causes of increasing inequality commences with a shift share analysis of the changes in employment levels. The results show that national changes in industry structure play an important role in determining the intra-urban distribution of employment. The index of sectoral change also varies systematically within Australian cities, with sectoral change being concentrated in low status areas. The apparent importance of industry structure in determining the geographic dispersion of employment points to employment demand being a significant part of the story.¶ Basic regression techniques and principal component analysis are also used to shed light on several possible inter-related causes and effects of the increasing inequality of employment–population ratios including: increased concentrations of personal characteristics, spatial mismatch, neighbourhood effects and the development of an underclass.¶ There are three main findings about the causes and effects of neighbourhood employment inequality. Firstly, spatial mismatch within or between Australian cities is not an important explanation of the changes in the geographic dispersion of employment. Outside Sydney the location of workers vis-à-vis firms does not influence neighbourhood employment–population ratios. However, even in Sydney, spatial mismatch provides a very limited explanation of neighbourhood inequality.¶ Secondly, substantial neighbourhood-specific effects on employment–population ratios are apparent in the bottom decile(s) of urban neighbourhoods ranked by socio-economic status. These neighbourhood effects explain between one and two-thirds of the differential between the top and bottom decile. The rest of the differential can be explained by differences in endowments of personal characteristics such as human capital variables.¶ Finally, there is convincing evidence that class, and perhaps even an Australian underclass, are important determinants of the distribution of employment outcomes. The underclass in Australia, as measured using techniques similar to US studies, is still very small but is increasing at an alarming rate. However, the sensitivity analysis shows that the underclass, so measured, is closely related to a more general concept of class captured in standard socio-economic status indexes.¶ The scope of this thesis is limited by the regional aggregates supplied in all four censuses. Regional aggregates prevent us from asking subtle questions about who is being affected by the observed changes. The lack of adequate individual-level migration data for neighbourhoods means that it is not possible to directly test any hypothesis about social mobility. This thesis is merely a preliminary analysis of whether the local social environment is important.

Submitted by Ana Paula Galdino (repositorio@fdv.br) on 2019-02-01T18:58:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Wilton Bisi Leonel - embargo.pdf: 5367135 bytes, checksum: 461d955de354e55491ceb75c986714d6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Paula Galdino (repositorio@fdv.br) on 2019-02-01T18:58:52Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Wilton Bisi Leonel - embargo.pdf: 5367135 bytes, checksum: 461d955de354e55491ceb75c986714d6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2019-02-01T18:58:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Wilton Bisi Leonel - embargo.pdf: 5367135 bytes, checksum: 461d955de354e55491ceb75c986714d6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-11-20 / Esta tese pretende oferecer uma interpretação crítico-criminológica ao fenômeno da hipertrofia do sistema penal estadunidense e à criminalização massiva da pobreza naquele país. Defende-se a hipótese de que, longe de realizar seus objetivos oficialmente declarados - promover segurança pública aos cidadãos -, o sistema penal estadunidense tem sido parte essencial de um projeto hegemônico-ideológico das classes dominantes cujo propósito é o de legitimar tanto o desmonte do Estado de Bem-Estar Social quanto instaurar um “Estado de Segurança”, calcado na expansão dos poderes do complexo-militar industrial, das gigantes corporativas privadas e do sistema penal. Almeja-se demonstrar a importância da narrativa dos intelectuais neoconservadores que identificaram (a) a corrosão de todas as formas de autoridade produzida pela libertinagem da contracultura dos anos 1960; (b) o igualitarismo dos programas sociais de distribuição de renda; (c) e a leniência do sistema penal como causas centrais para o aumento vertiginoso da criminalidade de rua, do uso e do tráfico de drogas, considerados naquela narrativa as principais lesões sociais. Ademais, aqueles intelectuais imputam o protagonismo daquelas lesões a uma underclass, um grupo minoritário composto por indivíduos intratáveis, irresponsáveis, imorais, perigosos e não-merecedores. Verifica-se também o papel fundamental desempenhado pelos meios de comunicação de massa ao endossar e difundir socialmente a narrativa neoconservadora, concorrendo para a justificação tanto da extinção de programas sociais quanto para a ampliação do poder e para a militarização das forças policiais, para o aumento da severidade das leis penais e para a reorientação do cárcere em direção à incapacitação dos “perigosos”. A tese sustenta que a criminalização massiva contribui decisivamente para construir uma identidade social pejorativa dos pobres (sobretudo, não brancos), atribuindo-lhes a responsabilidade por sua própria condição e o protagonismo dos comportamentos socialmente mais destrutivos. Os intelectuais neoconservadores, os meios de comunicação de massa e o sistema penal têm colaborado para propagar a (pretensa) superioridade racional e moral tanto do sistema de livre mercado capitalista quanto do “punitivismo” neoconservador, defletindo da atenção pública as lesões socialmente muito mais prejudiciais produzidas tanto pela reestruturação neoliberal da economia estadunidense quanto pelas ações das gigantes corporativas privadas. / This thesis intends to offer a critical-criminological interpretation to the phenomenon of hypertrophy of the United States penal system and to the massive criminalization of poverty in that country. We argue that, far from achieving its officially stated objectives - to promote public safety for citizens -, the United States penal system has been an essential part of a hegemonic-ideological project of the ruling classes, whose purpose is to legitimize both the dismantling of the Welfare State and instituting a “State of Security”, based on the expansion of the powers of the military-industrial complex, the private corporate giants and the penal system. We aim to demonstrate the importance of the narrative of neoconservative intellectuals who identified (a) the corrosion of all forms of authority produced by the 1960s counterculture profligacy; (b) the egalitarianism of social income distribution programs; (c) and the leniency of the penal system as central causes for the dizzying increase in street crime, drug use and trafficking, considered by that narrative as the main social lesions. In addition, these intellectuals attribute the protagonism of those injuries to an underclass, a minority group composed of intractable, irresponsible, immoral, dangerous and undeserving individuals. There is also a fundamental role played by the mass media in endorsing and socially disseminating the neoconservative narrative, contributing to the justification of the extinction of social programs, as well as to the expansion of power and the militarization of the police forces, to increase the severity of criminal laws and to the reorientation of the prison towards the incapacitation of the “dangerous ones”. The thesis holds that mass criminalization contributes decisively to building a pejorative social identity of the poor (especially non-whites), assigning them responsibility for their own condition and the protagonism of socially destructive behaviors. Neo-conservative intellectuals, the mass media, and the penal system have collaborated to propagate the (supposedly) rational and moral superiority of both the free-market capitalist system and neoconservative “punitivism”, deflecting from public attention the socially much more damaging injuries produced by the neoliberal restructuring of the US economy and by the actions of the private corporate giants.

This dissertation explores both the production of underclass literature and the vibrancy of material between 1868-1935. During an era of rampant materialism, consumer capitalism, unchecked industrialism, and economic inequality in the United States, poor, working class Americans confronted their socioeconomic status by abandoning the linear framework of capitalism that draws only a straight line between market and consumer, and engaging in a more intimate relationship with local, material things – found, won, or inherited – that offered a sense of autonomy, belonging, and success. The physical seizure of property/power facilitated both men and women with the ability to recognize their own empowerment (both as individuals and as a community) and ultimately resist their marginalization by leveling access to opportunity and acquiring or creating personal assets that could be generationally transferred as affirmation of their family's power and control over circumstance. Reading into these personal possessions helps us understand the physical and psychological conflicts present amongst the underclasses as represented in American literature, and these conflicts give rise to new dynamics of belonging as invested in the transformative experience of ownership and exchange. If we can understand these discarded, poor, and foreign things and people as possessing dynamic and vibrant agency, then we will change the ethics of objectifying and ostracizing discarded, poor, and foreign humans, then and now.

Studies of the association between race/ethnicity and juvenile court outcomes have found that minority youth often receive disadvantaged outcomes compared to similarly situated Whites, and that community context may condition this relationship. Sampson and Laub's (1993) revised conflict perspective is one theoretical model that can potentially explain the social control of youth throughout juvenile justice proceedings. One of the main propositions of Sampson and Laub's (1993) perspective is that communities characterized by underclass poverty and racial inequality will impose greater social control on youth referred to the juvenile court, especially Blacks and youth charged with a drug offense because they are perceived as a threatening population to middle-class values and standards. The current research drew upon Sampson and Laub's (1993) macrolevel theory of inequality and social control to examine the juvenile court outcomes of White, Black, and Hispanic youth from all counties in a Northeast state from 2000-2010. Hierarchical generalized linear modeling (HGLM) was employed to examine the relationship between disadvantaged community characteristics (underclass poverty, racial inequality, ethnic inequality) and juvenile court outcomes; especially if race/ethnicity, drug offending, and type of drug offense (possession versus distribution) tempered these relationships. The results indicate that disadvantaged community characteristics did not directly impact the social control of youth, but individual and joint effects of race/ethnicity and drug offending resulted in greater social control for Black and Hispanic youth of various drug offending combinations. In particular, the effect of race/ethnicity on social control was greater for Hispanic youth compared to Blacks. Depending on the stage examined, the relationship between race/ethnicity, drug offending, and juvenile court outcomes were conditioned by disadvantaged community characteristics. Based on the findings, empirical and theoretical implications are provided that focus on the applicability of Sampson and Laub's (1993) perspective to more recent court outcomes, as well as prevention and intervention programs that focus on decreasing the presence of minority youth in the juvenile justice system. Directions for future research are highlighted to provide greater insights into the circumstances surrounding case outcomes and under what situations community context and race/ethnicity matter in the treatment of youth within the juvenile court.

This diploma thesis with the title ?Non-Romani inhabitants of socially excluded ?Romani? localities is divided into two parts: the theoretical and the empiric parts. The theoretical part of the diploma thesis deals mainly with defining the terms of social exclusion and socially excluded locality. At the same time, it describes the phenomenon of the poverty, underclass and white trash culture and ethnicity. The research part deals with the description of the actual research methodology, interpretation and the presentation of the research investigation results. The aim of the diploma thesis is to describe the perception of life in a socially excluded ?Romani? locality, by non-Romani inhabitants. With respect to the aim of the diploma thesis I chose the qualitative research strategy. The qualitative investigation was conducted by the method of questioning. The questioning technique was a semi-structured interview consisting of open questions. The target set consists of twelve respondents living in three excluded localities in the territory of the town of České Budějovice, who do not consider themselves, on the basis of self-identification, as members of the Romani ethnic group. The results of my research investigation shows what leads non-Romani inhabitants up to living in socially excluded localities, if they feel safely there and how they perceive coexistence with Romani ethnic group.

No description available.

The present study explores how representations of an underclass in Sweden is being constructed and negotiated by a diversity of so-called spokesmen of an existing underclass in Sweden within the Swedish hiphop genre. In their song lyrics, they state to speak up for an underclass in Sweden. They are, a strategically selected Swedish hiphop collective, Kartellen, whose song lyrics constitutes the study’s empirical material. Through a qualitative approach, inspired by the discourse theorists Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe the analysis critically investigates and elucidates how the representation is being carried out and through their use of language. The empirical material has firstly been deconstructed and after that, analyzed within a discourse theoretical framework, consisting of postmarxist and poststructuralist influences. More specifically it aims to focus on statements regarding and constructing the prior group and representation of an underclass by exposing how it has been articulated and further represented. The study shows that there is a tendency to describe an underclass based on a leftist discourse consisting of a series of political manifestations. There are in addition, competing articulations concerning terms of alienation and nation present in the song lyrics. Moreover, descriptions of an underclass as a homogeneous group are given from their exclusive position of the social community, which neglects differentiations. This creates an ambiguous representation, reflecting on the arbitrariness of the use of language and therefore, exposes the risk of the representations’ fictive nature.

The aim of this thesis is to argue about a Gypsy/Roma community&amp / #8217 / s identity construction from the point of view of classical literature on ethnicity, class and gender dimensions in the symbolic identity construction in the case of Turkey. In this regard, it is important to examine whether this community benefits from citizenship rights. For this purpose, Edirne is chosen as a sample of Turkey because majority of Gypsy/Roma population lives in and this border city into which migrations took place from Bulgaria and Greece. Also for practical reasons of building a communication network, Edirne is selected as a case. A qualitative study, using in-depth interviews with a total of 36 married persons of Gypsy/Roma community referring 18 household in-depth-interviews have been conducted from 2003 winter to summer. Besides, in-depth-interviews with 13 non-Gypsies have been conducted. All interviews were recorded, transcribed and the transcribed texts were used for discourse analysis. During the interviews socio-economic profile, marriage, practices of cultural habits, neighbourhood partnership, political identity, religious rituals and perceiving own identity were inquired. There are three major conclusions of this thesis. The first finding is related to Gypsy/Roma community&amp / #8217 / s socio-economic status. Gypsy/Roma community has problems accessing social benefits of education, health and the labour market in addition to having negative living conditions. The arguments of &amp / #8216 / &amp / #8216 / underclass&amp / #8217 / &amp / #8217 / and &amp / #8216 / &amp / #8216 / urban marginalization&amp / #8217 / &amp / #8217 / coincide with these results. Not only occupation, but also race, ethnicity and gender are linked together with Gypsy/Roma status as &amp / #8216 / inferior&amp / #8217 / citizens. Secondly, Gypsy/Roma community is a closed community in their relations with non-Gypsies with regard to marriage and social network. The third finding is associated with Gypsy/Roma community&amp / #8217 / s perceptions of their identity, which shows variations within community. In this regard, Roma is taken to be the &amp / #8216 / &amp / #8216 / other&amp / #8217 / &amp / #8217 / of not only the non-Gypsies but also Gypsy identity is accepted as the &amp / #8216 / &amp / #8216 / other&amp / #8217 / &amp / #8217 / even of Roma.

Aim: The principal aim of this qualitative research study is to gain a clearer understanding of oppression as experienced by People with Learning Disabilities (PWLD). In particular, this study investigated: 1) the nature of oppression - the typical kinds of oppression PWLD face during the course of their everyday lives; 2) the causes of their oppressive experiences: 3) the impact these oppressive experiences can have on their quality of life; and 4) their reaction - the strategies PWLD employ to prevent further oppression. Rationale: Despite policies of deinstitutionalisation since the 1980s, many PWLD have not found social integration easy and continue to endure oppressive experiences in community-based settings. The nature/extent of this social problem has often been overlooked by researchers and practitioners. Methods: This research was conducted using interpretive phenomenology as a methodology; an approach which influenced the study’s design, method of data collection and strategy for analysing the rich qualitative findings. Semi-structured interviews were carried out across two sample populations; a group of PWLD (N=11) and a group of community-based practitioners/carers (N=11). The participants were selected through purposive sampling and the qualitative data was analysed using a specific Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) process. Findings: PWLD remain a deeply oppressed social group. Respondents reported experiencing multiple forms of oppression, which seem to interact in complex ways and be present throughout the course of their lives. The two key super-ordinate themes (most dominant forms of oppression experienced by PWLD) emerging from the process of IPA appear to be: 1) The life-long effects of marginalisation (social exclusion, powerlessness and existing as a socio-economic underclass) and 2) Multiple forms of victimisation (coping with exploitation, intimidation and abuse, both overt and subtle, from the public, family members and at times practitioners). Respondents believe that the underlying cause of their oppressive experiences is society’s negative perception. Negative attitudes and beliefs arise from oppressive social forces such as: the use of diagnostic labels, segregated special needs education and limited opportunities for employment. These are experiences which respondents assert often do little more than spoil their social identity as human beings. Conclusion: The findings confirm that PWLD living in the community continue to encounter negative social experiences which are pervasive. This research attempts to draw together and make sense of these experiences in terms of the concept of oppression. Through gaining a clearer understanding of the marginalised and victimised status of PWLD policy makers will be more informed about how to respond to their social and economic needs, and in turn help alleviate their experiences of oppression.