Niger, a northwest African country with several systemic barriers to development, has made education a priority. In an effort to improve the national education system, Niger has implemented a decentralization program. This study examines the perceptions of local school actors concerning this decentralization policy, which prescribes improving access and quality to education and strengthening institutional capacity. Local interviews and an analysis of relevant policy documents reveal limited policy implementation at the local level accompanied by a lack of state capacity, accountability and responsiveness to local school needs. Moreover, interviewees perceive a decline in education quality due to these reforms. While policy review documents focus on building institutional capacity at the central and regional government levels, the locality examined has responded as best it can to the needs of its schools. These local efforts are hampered by few resources, limited capacity and understanding of the importance of education by citizens, as well as a mistrust in government institutions, including schools, among local community members. Community leadership, development of participatory public space and trust building, could improve local education capacity to a certain extent, however, strong central government that provides additional resources and builds the capacities of school staff is necessary. / Master of Urban and Regional Planning

This thesis argues that neopatrimonialism is vital to understanding the power structure of the secessionist Transnistrian Moldovan Republic (TMR), and that neopatrimonial structures have been manipulated by Soviet-era elites to sustain the unrecognized separatist state's independence. The thesis also argues that neopatrimonialism is not a stable structure and its effectiveness in retaining support for the regime has changed over time. The paper provides an empirical analysis of the TMR in order to answer two questions: "To what extent does neopatrimonialism explain the regime endurance of the Transnistrian Moldovan Republic?" and "What does the case of the Transnistrian Moldovan Republic reveal about neopatrimonialism and regime endurance over time?" The analysis examines the TMR regime's use of Soviet-era industrial and bureaucratic structures, media, party networks, and worker committees to assert and maintain control, distribute patronage, maintain support for secession, and co-opt important interest groups. The paper concludes that although neopatrimonialism is only one of several elements that support the TMR regime's endurance, the analysis of neopatrimonial systems in states with significant neopatrimonialism provides a framework for examining disparate but interwoven elements of a state's political economy. / Master of Public and International Affairs

Afghanistan a country affected by decades of war and invasions has been subject of democratization and state-building of foreign donors post-2001. Despite the efforts of international community for improvements of state institutions, the country is and has been located at the bottom corruption indexes for many years. This essay tries to understand and explain why Afghanistan has been at the bottom line of corruption despite external actor’s vast democracy aid and building of effective state institutions. The case study of Afghanistan with qualitative method and descriptive text analysis examine causes of corruption in Afghanistan. The materials consist of both statistical data in terms of surveys and scientific literature to provide explanations of corruption in Afghanistan. The analytical framework of the study is based on previous research where formal institutions with focus on political system and informal institutions with focus on clientelism, patronage and neopatrimonialism, are used to explain the empirical data. The findings are that corruption is endemic in Afghanistan, occurring at all sectors of the government and the main reason is the defective political structure along with patronage and clientelistic networks and a state that rest on neo-patrimonialism.

The purpose of this study is to examine and understand why parastatals in Nigeria are on the face of it performing so poorly. Parastatals are critised for being ostensibly immersed with ethnicism, corruption, nepotism, patronage, clientelism, low accountability and transparency. These issues were explored in the context of Ajaokuta Steel; an enterprise that was substantially complete two decades ago but subsequently progressed no further. Ajaokuta Steel is an industrial giant meant to take the lead of industrialising, developing, and taking Nigeria and Africa from poverty and unemployment. To pursue this study the researcher employed mixed methods of research with interpretivism combined with a critical ambition and a case study as the main research strategy. The researcher used questionnaires, observations, interviews to gather data. Theoretical framework based on neopatrimonialism was used to guide the researcher in the empirical work and in the study. The interviews from the case site and stakeholders were analysed from the voice recorder and those from the questionnaires were analysed using descriptive statistics. The use of several data collecting methods was to achieve triangulation and because of the seriousness of the problem which needed an in-depth investigation to unveil the mystery behind the non-completion of the giant moribund industry. The results of the interviews, case study and questionnaires indicated that the problems of governance and accountability of parastatals in Nigeria are that governing board members and chairmen who formulate policies are appointed to boards based on political patronage, ethnic balancing and religious considerations, thereby loading boards with unqualified people who may ultimately compromise an organisation such as Ajaokuta Steel. Interviewees and respondents also identified a lack of political will on the part of the government, suggestions of an international conspiracy, corruption, military incursions in politics, the geographical location of Ajaokuta Steel and the culture of neglecting projects, as further contributory factors. Interviewees and respondents mentioned also lack of accountability and transparency in the affairs of parastatals. These factors have greatly affected all parastatals in Nigeria. It was recommended that parastatals should appoint board members, the CEO and staff based on track records of good antecedents; publish their accounts in the national newspapers; or be privatised by Public Private Partnership (PPP) so that government will be able to concentrate on its primary duties of providing security, health services and education for its citizens.

South Africa has been considered a bastion of democracy on the continent of Africa since its first fully democratic election in 1994. Yet, under its second president since apartheid, Thabo Mbeki, the consolidation of South Africas democratic gains tended to slow or even stagnate. This thesis develops a theoretical backdrop by explaining competing theories of leadership and development in Africa. With Thabo Mbekis promotion of the African Renaissance he should be considered to of promoted a good governance model of growth and leadership within South Africa. To determine whether Mbeki actively followed through in implementing good governance practices as leader of South Africa and the ANC this thesis analyzes three aspects of the African National Congress (ANC): centralization, corruption and the 2007 leadership succession. Through this analysis of these three aspects of the ANC under Mbeki the thesis moves to determine whether the former president should be considered to have cultivated a good governance regime while in office or whether his leadership of South Africa embraced more neopatrimonial logic.<p> This study finds that under Mbeki neopatrimonialism expanded significantly, particularly within the ruling ANC, and can to a certain extent be used to explained Mbekis actions while president of South Africa. Despite actively promoting a good governance agenda this thesis argues that Mbeki contributed to the stagnation of democratic gains in South Africa. This legacy will continue to effect future South African leaders including Mbekis arch-rival Jacob Zuma.

South Africa has been considered a bastion of democracy on the continent of Africa since its first fully democratic election in 1994. Yet, under its second president since apartheid, Thabo Mbeki, the consolidation of South Africas democratic gains tended to slow or even stagnate. This thesis develops a theoretical backdrop by explaining competing theories of leadership and development in Africa. With Thabo Mbekis promotion of the African Renaissance he should be considered to of promoted a good governance model of growth and leadership within South Africa. To determine whether Mbeki actively followed through in implementing good governance practices as leader of South Africa and the ANC this thesis analyzes three aspects of the African National Congress (ANC): centralization, corruption and the 2007 leadership succession. Through this analysis of these three aspects of the ANC under Mbeki the thesis moves to determine whether the former president should be considered to have cultivated a good governance regime while in office or whether his leadership of South Africa embraced more neopatrimonial logic.<p> This study finds that under Mbeki neopatrimonialism expanded significantly, particularly within the ruling ANC, and can to a certain extent be used to explained Mbekis actions while president of South Africa. Despite actively promoting a good governance agenda this thesis argues that Mbeki contributed to the stagnation of democratic gains in South Africa. This legacy will continue to effect future South African leaders including Mbekis arch-rival Jacob Zuma.

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(地域研究) / 甲第21896号 / 地博第242号 / 新制||地||89(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科東南アジア地域研究専攻 / (主査)教授 水野 広祐, 教授 岡本 正明, 教授 三重野 文晴 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Area Studies / Kyoto University / DGAM

The 2018 Value Added Tax (VAT) rate increase in South Africa is a significant event in that it was the first time since the advent of democracy in South Africa (1994) that the VAT rate had been raised. Located within the discipline of fiscal sociology, this study emphasises the developmental implications of fiscal policy choices. It problematises tax revenue mobilisation to meet growing spending requirements in South Africa. It looks at why, of the various fiscal and tax policy options available, the decision was made to raise the VAT rate. The mixed methods study provides a content analysis of literature obtained through a desk review and statistical analysis of a public opinion survey. By examining the underlying dynamics that influence fiscal policy decisions, it explains how fiscal and institutional factors and taxpayer culture interacted to bring about the decision to increase the VAT rate. It finds that policy decisions with large spending requirements can have an impact on fiscal policy decisions with implications for rights realisation. A conceptual framework specific to the South African context was developed as an output. Additionally, a revised conceptual framework for the determination of taxation was produced.

Corruption in Africa has become more than a mere "cost of doing business" and is an impediment to the development of the state. Neopatrimonialism is the evolution of corruption in Africa, where the ruling elites have shaped the government and its institutions to become a vehicle for corruption. West em governments in an attempt to aid developmentally stalled states, disburse foreign aid to African neopatrimonial states. Through a thorough case study of Kenya and Zimbabwe, it is shown that foreign aid helps rather than reforms the neopatrimonial system.

This thesis is the result of a comparative study utilizing qualitative evidence regarding the democratization process and history in Ghana and Nigeria. As a whole, this thesis seeks to exemplify some of the potential outcomes of democratization since independence in sub-Saharan African states. I analyze the strength and condition of democracy and the democratization process through the electoral histories of Ghana and Nigeria. In my argument, neopatrimonialism encapsulates corruption via patronage, clientelism, and godfatherism. These three theories are the primary areas of concern within this study regarding neopatrimonialism. I assert that democracy is measured in this region as a reflection of the quality of free and fair elections, a key (but not sole) determinant of democratization. The quality or maturation of democracy is measured through the degree to which neopatrimonialism has impacted the integrity of the electoral process. Thus, instances elite clientelism through predatory prebendalism and violent corruption by political elite represent a very troubled democracy under which power structures serve the personal interests of the political elite. Comparatively, evidence of a more distributive form of neopatrimonialism indicates a stronger democratic regime, and is indicated by mass clientelism in the electoral systems of the state.