Através da utilização de bibliografia e de fontes documentais, busquei analisar de que maneira os movimentos de oposição ao regime militar brasileiro se organizaram a partir da segunda metade da década de 1970, dando especial ênfase ao Movimento Estudantil, aos Movimentos Sociais e a algumas manifestações culturais da juventude brasileira do período. Tendo como ponto de comparação os mesmos movimentos nos anos 60, foi possível concluir que a oposição ao regime, nos anos 70 e 80, adquiriu novas formas de contestação, especialmente no interior dos movimentos sociais, nos quais as reivindicações partiam de suas bases, e não mais de uma cúpula. Frente a essa nova realidade, o movimento estudantil, com suas entidades e lideranças, se viu forçado a inserir-se na luta daqueles movimentos, enquanto grande parte da juventude, descrente face à contínua partidarização de suas reivindicações, voltou-se a novas formas culturais para demonstrar seus valores e desejos, fossem eles políticos ou não. / Using the bibliography and historical documents, I tried to analyze how the movements against the Brazilian military dictatorship reorganized themselves in the second part of the 1970s, especially the Students Movement, the Social Movements and some cultural manifestations of the countrys youth groups in that period. Making a comparison with the same groups in the 1960s, I could conclude that the opposition to the regime, in the 1970s and the 1980s, developed new ways of contestation, especially inside the social movements groups, in which the demands came from the people, not from the leaders anymore. Facing this new reality, the students movement, with its representative entities and leadership, had to join the struggle of the social movements groups, while many part of the Brazilian youth, not pleased with the interference of political groups in their demands, turned themselves to new cultural demonstrations to show their values and desires, being them political or not.

The overall aim with this study is to understand how and why the political environment in Sweden changed so drastically during the first years of the 1990s. The political mayfly New Democracy took office in the Swedish parliament in 1991 to 1994. At the time they were branded as a rightwing, xenophobic populist party. While our Nordic neighbors have had political parties resembling New Democracy since the beginning of the 1970’s, the established parties in Sweden managed to cover most of these controversial questions for some time. In a world that was dominated by western capitalism and libertinism following the collapse of the Soviet union, with increasing immigration also from outside of Europe, the Swedish people wanted to see change and the 1991 election turned out to be historical in that about 30% of the voters changed party allegiance. Enter New Democracy, a party that had been formally created in February 1991. They had been formed by 2 strong characters who met in November 1990 for the very first time: Ian Wachtmeister and Bert Karlsson. Karlsson was the person with impeccable instincts for publicity. Wachtmeister was the man behind most of the ideas that came to make up the party program. Their leading idea was that politics should be governed by common sense. In this spirit (and the lack of time) they postponed a lot of principal and basic discussions on key matters, with the idea that they would sort them out once elected. This did not work out too well and they soon started to disintegrate from within and by the next election in 1994 they had basically stopped working as a party. The aim of the study is achieved through evaluating the following areas: how did New Democracy communicate with their voters as well as how they worked in parliament seen in the light of their party program; the second evaluates New Democracy from an ideology standpoint and finally; how did the voters look at the political situation in Sweden at this time? What relatively little has been written and researched about New Democracy has seemingly always taken the starting view of looking at them as a populist party. In this thesis I look atthis unconditionally, and start with an analysis of ideologies and populism. The characteristics identified from this are then applied on New Democracy based on what they said they wanted to achieve as well as how they applied their ideas in real life. In order to firmly establish the current theories on ideologies in general and populist theory in particular I have drawn upon some of the most well renown researchers in these areas. As fo rthe study of New Democracy I have been using whatever little material they published themselves, in addition I’ve been using the archives of the Swedish government and a series of books and research on New Democracy. Furthermore I’ve conducted an interview with a former New Democracy parliament member to add and confirm much of the written material. The analysis shows that New Democracy was a party that in some ways were ahead of their time as it took another couple of years and then many of their ideas had been implemented. Their messages and ways to go about it were seen as extraordinary at the time. This provides an interesting parallel to the political debate of today considering what is seen as politically correct. Although they were seen as rebels at the time, by today’s standards they appear as rather harmless. They were seen as a populist party of their day. By comparing to current definitions of a populist parti they would rather be seen as a discontent party. Today they would not stand out even nearly in the same way as they did then. And finally, I would argue that the development of a party like New Democracy was inevitable at the time given all political changes in Sweden and in our vicinity.

Abstract C-Level Paper in Political Science, by David Olsson, Autumn 2008. Supervisor: Malin Stegman McCallion. “Regime Type and Trade Policy: Has Increased Democratization Contributed to Lower Trade Barriers Among Autocratic States?”   In this paper a new two-level game theory, based on previous research and deductive reasoning, is constructed and tested empirically. The purpose is to examine if developing new democracies, trading with developing autocracies, is an explanatory factor of trade liberalization among the latter. The research questions are: 1) Have tariff rates in developing autocratic countries followed the pattern of reduced tariffs among their developing new democratic trading partners? And; 2) If this is the case, is there a relative shift in trade flows that confirms this change to be an effect of the new democracies’ presumed influence?                       In order to sufficiently carry out an empirical scrutiny, seven other determinants found to have effects on trade policies in previous research, are accounted for using a “most similar systems design”. For reasons of delimitation, six autocracies and their fifteen most important trading partners, observed 1980-1999, have been paired and analyzed. Each pair consists of one autocracy that trades with new democracies and one that does not; regarding the other determinants they are as similar as possible. The used material is the World Development Indicators, the Polity IV Dataset, the Yearbook of International Trade Statistics, the World Economic Outlook Database, the Database of Political Institutions, statistics from the World Trade Organization, the Dataset of Armed Conflicts, and the Unweighted Average Tariffs Measurement.                          The conclusion is that there are no indicators that affirm the theory and research questions. However, the theory is not unambiguously falsified. Hence, studies on more countries and time spans are needed.

Le Liban, qui traverse une crise politique, économique et institutionnelle sans précédent fait preuve depuis quelques années d’une résilience remarquable. Le secteur économique au Liban fortement lié aux conflits régionaux est confronté à des problèmes tels que la pauvreté des ressources, l’endettement, le chômage, ainsi que la présence de réfugiés syriens qui tend davantage la situation. Contrastant avec l’instabilité politique du pays, c’est la dynamique de l’économie libanaise qui a permis au secteur privé de pallier aux carences et au désengagement de l’Etat quant à l’application de ses missions régaliennes, selon un certain système de laisser-faire. C’est dans ce contexte que nous examinerons le rôle du secteur privé au Liban qui crée dans le champ social un espace d’entreprise citoyenne en marge de l’Etat qui se tourne vers la satisfaction de l’intérêt général par le biais de la responsabilité sociale des entreprises RSE. / Lebanon who has been going through an unprecedented political, economic and institutional crisis in recent years, has shown a very remarkable resilience. The economic sector in Lebanon who is strongly linked to regional conflicts has been facing problems such as poverty of resources, debt, unemployment, as well as the presence of Syrian refugees a matter that has made the situation more and more overwrought. In Contrast with the country's political instability, the dynamic Lebanese economy allowed the private sector to overcome these deficiencies and aided to the disentanglement of the State in the application of its sovereign functions, according to a system of laissez-faire. In this context that we will examine the role of the private sector in Lebanon and the effect it created in the social field of citizen corporate in the margins of the state via ensuring the satisfaction of the public interest through the Corporate Social responsibility CSR.

In January, 1951, the Lutheran Church of China denounced all relations with the American, German and Scandinavian missions, which for more than half a century had worked in the country. As one of the first, this church made a clear and corporate stand in favour of the New Democracy and the Three-Self Movement, while most of the missions made their political choice, retreated with the Nationalists and finally went to Taiwan. This book presents the Lutheran missions from optimistic new orientations in 1944 to the evacuation and the break down of the cooperation with the Chinese church seven years later. This short .period was dramatic and of great importance for the whole missionary movement, and the study may lead to renewed self-criticism and to a necessary re-evaluation of the Chinese Revolution - one of the most significant events in World History.

This essay describes the radicalization of the Greek society and the rise of the political extremism in Greece in the period of 2000-2012. In this time important changes could have been observed in the Greek political scene and in the society which were linked to the polarization of the electorate and the growth of populism, nationalism, euroscepticism, xenophobia and racism. As a result of modernizing efforts of Constantinos Simitis cabinet (1996-2004), which were related to the Greek ambition to become fully-fledged member of the EU and the Eurozone, under the influence of globalization, immigration crisis and finally the recent slump of the Greek economy, a new social conflict emerged in Greece. This essay analyzes these problems from the perspective of the cleavages theory by Seymour M. Lipset and Stein Rokkan and tries to find social and political roots of such conflict. The radicalization of the Greek society between 2000 and 2012 does not represent a new phenomenon, but is is a continuation of long-term ideological clashes present in the Greek social reality since the World WarI. After identifying the main cleavages in interwar and postwar period the essay identifies the main conflict of Greece after the fall of junta in 1974. Afterwards it confronts the new political issues of the period 2000-2012...