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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

Organization of the Reform Party in New Zealand

Hill, Donald Randall January 2011 (has links)
Digitized by Kansas State University Libraries
2

The politics and law of Anglo-American antidiscrimination regimes, 1945-1995

Evans Case, Rhonda Leann 28 August 2008 (has links)
Not available / text
3

Participating Online: The Internet and its Role in Political Participatory Behaviour in the Context of the New Zealand General Election 2008

Marett, Alexandra January 2010 (has links)
Recent developments in Internet technology have opened up new doors for political campaigning and related news information with video and social networking applications. These have created new spaces that the voting public can politically participate in. This study explores the extent to which such participation takes place, in order to contribute to the wider question of whether changes in the media can rejuvenate a growing apathetic electorate that has become increasingly isolated from the more traditional methods of political participation (Putnam 2000). There are now many unanswered questions regarding how this new technology will play a role in influencing voter preferences and behaviour compared to other forms of traditional mass media. The exponential growth of Internet technology and its use means that the majority of literature written on the subject becomes time-bound leaving large gaps of research and analysis that needs to be done. This thesis examined the opportunities made available for political campaigning by the Internet and how widening political knowledge can ultimately influence Internet consumers at the voting booth. The research undertaken was a combination of quantitative and qualitative analysis using participatory groups in a controlled environment. Participants consumed different forms of mass media and any significant changes in preferences and behaviour was noted. The overall hypothesis of this thesis is that the Internet does have an effect on potential voters by providing a wider and more in-depth look at politics that broadens political knowledge, leading to greater political participation.
4

The role of Robert Herbert in the Colonial Office with particular reference to his influence and policies towards New Zealand and Fiji, 1871-1892

Jones, Boisfeuillet January 1980 (has links)
No description available.
5

Just a small window to get some leverage : A critical examination of the rise of Te Wananga o Aotearoa with particular emphasis on the role of the State in the battle for control of this Maori tertiary educational institution

Bryant, Bruce Unknown Date (has links)
The 17 July 1863 saw a British military force led by Major General Cameron, with Crimean War experience, invade the Waikato of Aotearoa New Zealand, and essentially ending for Waikato Maori on 2 April 1864 at Orakau when Cameron with 1,200 troops, defeated a group of 300 Maori that included representatives of at least nine iwi, and women and children, led by Rewi Maniapoto.In December 1863, well before the events of Orakau, the New Zealand Settlements Act of 1863 (NZSA) was passed into law. This Act’s only purpose was to confiscate 1,408,400 hectares of land from Maori; 486,500 hectares from Waikato Maori, of whom Ngati Maniapoto are an important part. The Act deprived Maori of their traditional lands and the means to participate in the economy, with serious social and economic consequences for them well into the 20th century.In 1993, tertiary educational status was granted to what was essentially an initiative of the people of Ngati Maniapoto that began in 1983 to provide educational alternatives to young people, predominately Maori. This initiative became Te Wananga o Aotearoa (TWOA). Over a period of six years from 1998, TWOA moved from being an insignificant tertiary educational institution to the largest in the country in terms of student and equivalent full time student numbers. By mid 2005, TWOA was under the control of the State, the first time such a situation had occurred in this country, and completely contrary to the independence provisions that the Education Act 1989 bestows on tertiary educational institutions.This thesis is an examination of the State’s battle for control of TWOA, to consider likely reasons why the State sought this control, and the tactics used by the State to achieve this outcome.The thesis examines the part that knowledge and access to education plays in global economics in the late 20th and early 21st century, and will consider whether knowledge and access to education was as economically important to individuals in these times, as land was in 1863.The fact that TWOA’s success was achieved completely within the parameters of the tertiary education policies of both successive Governments since 1998 was irrelevant to the NZ Labour Party led Government of 2005. They appeared to set out on a predetermined path to gain control, in order to neutralise TWOA’s growth and to then reshape the sector to ensure that such success did not happen again. The conclusion is that what was seen as a just a small ‘window’ to get some leverage, was thrown open, and very powerful levers then used, to achieve this end.
6

Just a small window to get some leverage : A critical examination of the rise of Te Wananga o Aotearoa with particular emphasis on the role of the State in the battle for control of this Maori tertiary educational institution

Bryant, Bruce Unknown Date (has links)
The 17 July 1863 saw a British military force led by Major General Cameron, with Crimean War experience, invade the Waikato of Aotearoa New Zealand, and essentially ending for Waikato Maori on 2 April 1864 at Orakau when Cameron with 1,200 troops, defeated a group of 300 Maori that included representatives of at least nine iwi, and women and children, led by Rewi Maniapoto.In December 1863, well before the events of Orakau, the New Zealand Settlements Act of 1863 (NZSA) was passed into law. This Act’s only purpose was to confiscate 1,408,400 hectares of land from Maori; 486,500 hectares from Waikato Maori, of whom Ngati Maniapoto are an important part. The Act deprived Maori of their traditional lands and the means to participate in the economy, with serious social and economic consequences for them well into the 20th century.In 1993, tertiary educational status was granted to what was essentially an initiative of the people of Ngati Maniapoto that began in 1983 to provide educational alternatives to young people, predominately Maori. This initiative became Te Wananga o Aotearoa (TWOA). Over a period of six years from 1998, TWOA moved from being an insignificant tertiary educational institution to the largest in the country in terms of student and equivalent full time student numbers. By mid 2005, TWOA was under the control of the State, the first time such a situation had occurred in this country, and completely contrary to the independence provisions that the Education Act 1989 bestows on tertiary educational institutions.This thesis is an examination of the State’s battle for control of TWOA, to consider likely reasons why the State sought this control, and the tactics used by the State to achieve this outcome.The thesis examines the part that knowledge and access to education plays in global economics in the late 20th and early 21st century, and will consider whether knowledge and access to education was as economically important to individuals in these times, as land was in 1863.The fact that TWOA’s success was achieved completely within the parameters of the tertiary education policies of both successive Governments since 1998 was irrelevant to the NZ Labour Party led Government of 2005. They appeared to set out on a predetermined path to gain control, in order to neutralise TWOA’s growth and to then reshape the sector to ensure that such success did not happen again. The conclusion is that what was seen as a just a small ‘window’ to get some leverage, was thrown open, and very powerful levers then used, to achieve this end.
7

Towards a neoliberal citizenship regime: A post-Marxist discourse analysis

Hackell, Melissa January 2007 (has links)
This thesis is empirically grounded in New Zealand's restructuring of unemployment and taxation policy in the 1980s and 1990s. Theoretically it is inspired by a post-Marxist discourse analytical approach that focuses on discourses as political strategies. This approach has made it possible, through an analysis of changing citizenship discourses, to understand how the neoliberalisation of New Zealand's citizenship regime proceeded via debate and struggle over unemployment and taxation policy. Debates over unemployment and taxation in New Zealand during the 1980s and 1990s reconfigured the targets of policy and re-ordered social antagonism, establishing a neoliberal citizenship regime and centring political problematic. This construction of a neoliberal citizenship regime involved re-specifying the targets of public policy as consumers and taxpayers. In exploring the hegemonic discourse strategies of the Fourth Labour Government and the subsequent National-led governments of the 1990s, this thesis traces the process of reconfiguring citizen subjectivity initially as 'social consumers' and participants in a coalition of minorities, and subsequently as universal taxpayers in antagonistic relation to unemployed beneficiaries. These changes are related back to key discursive events in New Zealand's recent social policy history as well as to shifts in the discourses of politicians that address the nature of the public interest and the targets of social policy. I argue that this neoliberalisation of New Zealand's citizenship regime was the outcome of the hegemonic articulatory discourse strategies of governing parties in the 1980s and 1990s. Struggles between government administrations and citizen-based social movement groups were articulated to the neoliberal project. I also argue that in the late 1990s, discursive struggle between the dominant parties to define themselves in difference from each other reveals both the 'de'contestation of a set of neoliberal policy prescriptions, underscoring the neoliberal political problematic, and the privileging of a contributing taxpayer identity as the source of political legitimacy. This study shows that the dynamics of discursive struggle matter and demonstrates how the outcomes of discursive struggle direct policy change. In particular, it establishes how neoliberal discourse strategies evolved from political discourses in competition with other discourses to become the hegemonic political problematic underscoring institutional practice and policy development.

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