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Thesis (M.F.A.)--University of Montana, 2007. / Title from title screen. Description based on contents viewed Aug. 13, 2007.

This thesis deals with Vietnamese scholar Nguyễn Thuật and his Diary of Journey to Tiānjīn (Wǎng Jīn rìjì 往津日記; hereinafter the Diary), which contains records of the journey of the Vietnamese diplomatic envoy to China in 1883. The aim is to identify the informative values of the Diary as well as Nguyễn Thuật's perception of China from a political and cultural standpoint by analyzing the content of the Diary. The first chapter provides cultural context of historical events during the second half of the 19th century. The following chapter is the main chapter where Nguyễn Thuật and his Diary are elaborated on. The thesis concludes with hypotheses of Nguyễn Thuật's intentions to write his Diary and assessment of informative values and thus opens the way to deeper comprehension of the historical development of Sino-Vietnamese relations.

Red mud is the waste from alumina production, contain high amount of residual alkaline, aluminate and some metals oxide such as iron oxide, silicon oxide, titanium oxide...; in which aluminum and silica proportions could be used for zeolite synthesis. The zeolite was synthesized by the hydrothermal method for obtaining RM-ZeO-Si which was signed for Si added and RM-ZeO- Si- Al for both Si and Al added. The obtained zeolites were then characterized by the XRD, EDX, SEM, BET and FT-IR methods. The results indicate that the synthesized zeolite is likely the new kind one with one surfur atom in the crystaline unit and has general formula of Na8(Al6Si6O24)S.4H2O. We tested the ability of ammonium and nitrite adsorption of the synthesized zeolites and found that the synthesized zeolites had very high adsorption capacity of both cation ammonium and anion nitrite; but the adsorption mechanism of each was different. Adsorption mechanism of ammonium was suggested as predominant ion exchange between ammonium cation in solution and sodium cation in zeolite crystals; while nitrite adsorbed on surface material by electrostatic attractive force between nitrite anion and electropositive surface of iron oxide particles. / Bùn đỏ là chất thải từ quá trình sản xuất nhôm, chứa lượng lớn kiểm, oxit nhôm và một số oxit khác như sắt oxit, silic oxit, titan oxit…trong đó tỷ lệ nhôm và silic có thể sử dụng để tổng hợp zeolit. Vật liệu zeolit được tổng hợp bằng phương pháp thủy nhiệt, thêm Si được ký hiệu là RMZeO- Si; vật liệu thêm đồng thời Si, Al được ký hiệu là RM- ZeO-Si/Al. Vật liệu zeolit tổng hợp được phân tích đặc trưng cấu trúc bằng các phương pháp XRD, EDX, SEM, BET và FT-IR. Các kết quả phân tích cho thấy vật liệu zeolit tổng hợp có điểm mới khác biệt so với các zeolit thông thường bởi trong cấu trúc phân tử có chứa nguyên tử S, công thức phân tử của zeolit là Na8(Al6Si6O24)S.4H2O. Kết quả khảo sát hấp phụ ban đầu cho thấy vật liệu có khả năng hấp phụ với cả ion amoni và nitrit, cơ chế hấp phụ khác nhau. Quá trình hấp phụ cation amoni là do quá trình trao đổi ion giữa cation amoni với cation natri trong tinh thể zeolit, còn quá trình hấp phụ nitrit trên bề mặt vật liệu do tương tác tĩnh điện giữa nitrit với các cấu tử oxit sắt.

The Vietnamese people have always harboured an extraordinarily strong patriotic drive. But the government formed by Ho Chi Minh (1890-1969) after the Declaration of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) on the 2nd September 1945, the group that was to represent majority Vietnamese opinion until and after 1975, was spearheaded by the Vietminh (League for Vietnam's Independence) - a movement that did not define itself as Nationalist, but rather as an expressly Communist group. When the people of Vietnam looked for leadership, this was the obvious group to choose - the only movement prepared and willing to step in (other, more nationalist resistance groups had prematurely flourished and failed, as shall be discussed). In the Vietnam that found itself suddenly free at the close of the Second World War, no other lobby was ready, no group presented itself nationally as the Communists were and did. The Liberation Army that seized control of town after town was the military arm of the Viet Minh, formed in 1944 under Vo Nguyen Giap (b. 1912), an element of a movement that published its manifesto in February 1930, that had begun preparation and ideological training in the late 1920's in Guangzhou under Ho Chi Minh. Given the long preparation carried out by the Vietminh, the progression to the declaration of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam as a Communist nation with Ho at its head was a natural one. Whilst that development seems logical given the conditions of the day, the manner in which those conditions were reached (or manipulated) has been the subject of intense debate. Was that natural progression one in which the ideologists of Communist revolution 'captured' the Nationalist movement, exploited a nationalistic fervour to produce the desired revolt, using the front of the Viet Minh to blend their esoteric dogmas with the more easily understood nationalist cause of resistance? This is a perception held by many modern historians - that, in effect, Communists are the parasites of the modernization process. This attitude was and is encouraged by examination of advice given to Asian revolutionaries by their Soviet counterparts; Grigori Zinoviev (1833-1936) - later to die by Stalin's order - argued in 1922 that Communists should co-operate with the rising nationalists in Asia, gain the leadership of their movement, and then cast aside the genuine national leaders. For by itself, the tiny Indochina Communist Party could never have hoped to attract the support of politically engaged Vietnamese, let alone the hearts and minds of the nation at large. This is the essence of the currently accepted analysis of the revolutionary Vietnamese setting - that the Communist lobby exploited a majority furious with the abuses of French rule, sliding Communism into a dominant role in Vietnamese life. The majority of people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power. Such a perception, as shall be discussed, is representative of the Western reading of the whole Southeast Asian region of the day. The Vietnamese people were accustomed to the use of violence to protect their independence; perennial opposition to expansionist China meant that few peoples in Asia had been compelled to fight longer and harder to retain their identity as a separate and independent state than the Vietnamese. Whilst the ability and commitment of the Vietcong in resistance to outside power has been recognised, the strong sense of Vietnamese identity in and of itself has never really been acknowledged beyond the most simplistic of terms by external observers, perhaps because of the difficulty of comprehending how such an emotion can form when looking at the odd shape of the nation on a map. Such a lack of awareness allows supposed Vietnam specialists to assert that the dominant Vietnamese self-assessment is the extent to which the country is not Chinese (and, to a lesser extent, not French) rather than entering into a more significant analysis of how a national identity formed: how, whilst certainly influenced by feelings of encirclement and domination, Vietnam also developed a separate, distinct sense of self. This, whilst a sense that has only relatively recently manifested itself in territorial demands, is a longstanding emotion and sense, in and of itself. Given an understanding of that sense or merely an awareness of its existence, the willingness of the Vietnamese to combat the most powerful nation on Earth, though certainly impressive, needs little explanation; this work has attempted to explore a more difficult question - why they chose the dogma that served them. The idea that the majority of the Vietnamese people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power is in truth the presentation of a false dichotomy. The fact that a group within a broad movement participates for different reasons from another group does not necessarily imply exploitation or pretense. Neither does the fact that one has a strong political ideology such as socialism forbid the possession of any other political inclination, such as patriotism. The concept of a socialist exploitation of Vietnamese nationalism will be opposed here: a discussion of the disputed importance of nationalism to the Vietnamese Communist movement in resistance, and of Communism to the nationalist movement, will form the subject of this essay. The unity of Vietnam under Communist government in 1975 seems a fitting end to the period to be considered. Much of interest - the politics behind partition, or the Communist-led conduct of war with America, for example - can be considered only briefly; fortunately, these are issues considered in great depth elsewhere. The central issue to this work shall be the development of the Communist movement in French Indochina, and the thesis herein shall be that nationalism and Marxist-Leninism occupied a symbiotic relationship in the motivation of the Communist movement and its chief practitioners in the nation once again known as Vietnam.

In Vietnam, soil contamination with lead and cadmium at very high level was investigated anddiscovered in the surrounding areas of zinc-lead mining and processing factory in Tan Long (Dong Hy district, Thai Nguyen province) and around the lead-recycling smelter in Chi Dao (Van Lam district, Hung Yen province). The survey on soil contaminated by arsenic due to the tin mining and sifting activities in Ha Thuong (Dai Tu district, Thai Nguyen province) was also carried out. In Tan Long, the concentrations of lead and cadmium in the old solid waste dump from zinc-lead factory varied from 1,100 to 13,000 mg·kg-1, and from 11.34 to 61.04 mg·kg-1, respectively. Soil Pollution Indexes (SPI) of lead and cadmium were highest in the old solid waste dump area, followed by the ones in the rice paddy soils. In Chi Dao, the soils of many sites were polluted with lead and cadmium such as in the gardens of lead-recycling households where the concentrations of lead and cadmium were 7,000 - 15,000 mg·kg-1 and 1.8 - 3.6 mg·kg-1. In rice paddies, the soils were also polluted by lead. SPI of lead in paddy soil areas within 300 m radius from the lead smelter were from 3.6 to 100 fold higher than the safe limit. The sediment from the ditch near the lead smelters contained extremely high levels of lead (7,000 - 110,000 mg·kg-1) and cadmium (3.8 - 17.7 mg·kg-1). The tin mining and sifting activities in Ha Thuong was the cause for the arsenic contamination of the soil in this area. The arsenic contents in soils at all locations investigated were higher than 320 mg·kg-1 (dry weight) and up to 3,809 mg·kg-1. / Tại Việt Nam, đất bị ô nhiễm bởi chì và ca-đi-mi với hàm lượng cao đã được điều tra phát hiện ở các khu vực phụ cận của nhà máy khai thác và chế biến kẽm/chì thuộc địa phận xã Tân Long, huyện Đồng Hỷ, tỉnh Thái Nguyên và các khu vực phụ cận của lò tái chế chì thuộc địa phận xã Chỉ Đạo, huyện Văn Lâm, tỉnh Hưng Yên. Sự khảo sát đất bị ô nhiễm bởi a-sen do các hoạt động khai thác và tuyển thiếc ở xã Hà Thượng, huyện Đại Từ, tỉnh Thái Nguyên cũng đã được tiến hành. Tại xã Tân Long, nồng độ chì và ca-đi-mi trong bãi chất thải rắn cũ từ nhà máy sản xuất kẽm chì là 1.100 - 1.300 mg.kg-1 và từ 11,34 đến 61,04 mg.kg-1, tương ứng. Chỉ số ô nhiễm đất (SPI) của chì và ca-đi-mi cao nhất trong khu vực đổ chất thải rắn cũ, tiếp theo sau là ở các ruộng lúa. Tại xã Chỉ Đạo, đất ở nhiều địa điểm đã bị ô nhiễm chì và ca-đi-mi chẳng hạn như trong khu vườn của các hộ gia đình tái chế chì, nồng độ chì và ca-đi-mi là 7.000 - 15.000 mg.kg-1 và 1,8 - 3,6 mg.kg-1. Trong cánh đồng lúa, đất cũng bị ô nhiễm bởi chì. Chỉ số ô nhiễm đất của chì (SPI-Pb) trong cánh đồng lúa trong vòng bán kính 300 m từ lò tái chế chì cao hơn giới hạn của đất an toàn từ 3,6 đến 100 lần. Trầm tích thu từ kênh gần lò tái chế chì chứa hàm lượng chì rất cao (.7000 - 110.000 mg.kg-1) và ca-đi-mi (3,8 - 17,7 mg.kg-1). Việc khai thác và tuyển thiếc tại xã Hà Thượng đã gây ra ô nhiễm a-sen trong đất tại khu vực này. Hàm lượng a-sen trong đất tại tất cả các địa điểm nghiên cứu cao hơn 320 mg.kg-1 (trọng lượng khô), đặc biệt là lên đến 3809 mg.kg-1.

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Islamic theology is a new invention in today’s secular universities, at least when it comes to studying Islam with a critical and constructive approach. As a muslim practice theology is often perceived as ʿilm al-kalām, with its use of philosophical method to gain knowledge of God. In the work Modern Muslim Theology Martin Nguyen looks for a different definition of theology where he defines theology in its fullest sense as a way to engage yourself with the Divine. The question is, is this theology as such modern? The Sufis - and in this work Abū ʾAbd al-Raḥmān al-Sulamī from Khurasan - where concerned more with an ascetic way of living rather than one fashioned by systematic doctrine, as a way to knowledge and union with God. This work in Islamic systematic theology investigates al-Sulamī’s theology and shines light on a classic example of a theology of engagement, with its possibilities of being an alternative way of knowledge in relation to kalām in Islamic theology. The study shows that al-Sulamī’s Sufism concerned with denegrating the ego-self and refinement of character constitutes its own path to theology. The study also shows that this form of theology is a challenge to the way in which theology is conducted at secular universities.

Islamic theology is a new invention in today’s secular universities, at least when it comes to studying Islam with a critical and constructive approach. As a muslim practice theology is often perceived as ʿilm al-kalām, with its use of philosophical method to gain knowledge of God. In the work Modern Muslim Theology Martin Nguyen looks for a different definition of theology where he defines theology in its fullest sense as a way to engage yourself with the Divine. The question is, is this theology as such modern? The Sufis - and in this work Abū ʾAbd al-Raḥmān al-Sulamī from Khurasan - where concerned more with an ascetic way of living rather than one fashioned by systematic doctrine, as a way to knowledge and union with God. This work in Islamic systematic theology investigates al-Sulamī’s theology and shines light on a classic example of a theology of engagement, with its possibilities of being an alternative way of knowledge in relation to kalām in Islamic theology. The study shows that al-Sulamī’s Sufism concerned with denegrating the ego-self and refinement of character constitutes its own path to theology. The study also shows that this form of theology is a challenge to the way in which theology is conducted at secular universities.

In Vietnam, soil contamination with lead and cadmium at very high level was investigated anddiscovered in the surrounding areas of zinc-lead mining and processing factory in Tan Long (Dong Hy district, Thai Nguyen province) and around the lead-recycling smelter in Chi Dao (Van Lam district, Hung Yen province). The survey on soil contaminated by arsenic due to the tin mining and sifting activities in Ha Thuong (Dai Tu district, Thai Nguyen province) was also carried out. In Tan Long, the concentrations of lead and cadmium in the old solid waste dump from zinc-lead factory varied from 1,100 to 13,000 mg·kg-1, and from 11.34 to 61.04 mg·kg-1, respectively. Soil Pollution Indexes (SPI) of lead and cadmium were highest in the old solid waste dump area, followed by the ones in the rice paddy soils. In Chi Dao, the soils of many sites were polluted with lead and cadmium such as in the gardens of lead-recycling households where the concentrations of lead and cadmium were 7,000 - 15,000 mg·kg-1 and 1.8 - 3.6 mg·kg-1. In rice paddies, the soils were also polluted by lead. SPI of lead in paddy soil areas within 300 m radius from the lead smelter were from 3.6 to 100 fold higher than the safe limit. The sediment from the ditch near the lead smelters contained extremely high levels of lead (7,000 - 110,000 mg·kg-1) and cadmium (3.8 - 17.7 mg·kg-1). The tin mining and sifting activities in Ha Thuong was the cause for the arsenic contamination of the soil in this area. The arsenic contents in soils at all locations investigated were higher than 320 mg·kg-1 (dry weight) and up to 3,809 mg·kg-1. / Tại Việt Nam, đất bị ô nhiễm bởi chì và ca-đi-mi với hàm lượng cao đã được điều tra phát hiện ở các khu vực phụ cận của nhà máy khai thác và chế biến kẽm/chì thuộc địa phận xã Tân Long, huyện Đồng Hỷ, tỉnh Thái Nguyên và các khu vực phụ cận của lò tái chế chì thuộc địa phận xã Chỉ Đạo, huyện Văn Lâm, tỉnh Hưng Yên. Sự khảo sát đất bị ô nhiễm bởi a-sen do các hoạt động khai thác và tuyển thiếc ở xã Hà Thượng, huyện Đại Từ, tỉnh Thái Nguyên cũng đã được tiến hành. Tại xã Tân Long, nồng độ chì và ca-đi-mi trong bãi chất thải rắn cũ từ nhà máy sản xuất kẽm chì là 1.100 - 1.300 mg.kg-1 và từ 11,34 đến 61,04 mg.kg-1, tương ứng. Chỉ số ô nhiễm đất (SPI) của chì và ca-đi-mi cao nhất trong khu vực đổ chất thải rắn cũ, tiếp theo sau là ở các ruộng lúa. Tại xã Chỉ Đạo, đất ở nhiều địa điểm đã bị ô nhiễm chì và ca-đi-mi chẳng hạn như trong khu vườn của các hộ gia đình tái chế chì, nồng độ chì và ca-đi-mi là 7.000 - 15.000 mg.kg-1 và 1,8 - 3,6 mg.kg-1. Trong cánh đồng lúa, đất cũng bị ô nhiễm bởi chì. Chỉ số ô nhiễm đất của chì (SPI-Pb) trong cánh đồng lúa trong vòng bán kính 300 m từ lò tái chế chì cao hơn giới hạn của đất an toàn từ 3,6 đến 100 lần. Trầm tích thu từ kênh gần lò tái chế chì chứa hàm lượng chì rất cao (.7000 - 110.000 mg.kg-1) và ca-đi-mi (3,8 - 17,7 mg.kg-1). Việc khai thác và tuyển thiếc tại xã Hà Thượng đã gây ra ô nhiễm a-sen trong đất tại khu vực này. Hàm lượng a-sen trong đất tại tất cả các địa điểm nghiên cứu cao hơn 320 mg.kg-1 (trọng lượng khô), đặc biệt là lên đến 3809 mg.kg-1.