Doctor of Philosophy / Security Studies Interdepartmental Program / Emizet N. Kisangani / This study examines the effects of regime type on support to foreign insurgent groups. Theoretically, it relies on structural and normative characteristics of democracies by arguing that leaders in these regimes tend to encounter multiple disincentive mechanisms generally not found in non-democracies. Thus, leaders of democratic regimes are less likely to actively support foreign insurgent groups as a component of strategy below the threshold of military intervention. When they do choose to lend their support, they tend to choose either low-level types of support (simple material support) or high-level support (full military intervention). Leaders of non-democratic regimes, however, can employ the full spectrum of support types to seize strategic opportunities and tailor strategies that are more costly and more risky. The dissertation tests this theory by using both quantitative and qualitative research methods. The statistical analysis of a dyadic, cross-sectional, time-series dataset of 179 countries from 1975 to 2009 provides some support for the proposed hypotheses. Structured, focused comparison of three conflicts with multiple within-case observations (cases) also reveals modest support for the hypothesis that democracies are unlikely to support insurgent groups in general and have multiple disincentives toward providing mid-level types of support that expose the democratic leaders to additional costs and risks. Unexpectedly, the qualitative case studies reveal that in addition to the structural disincentives initially identified, leaders of democratic regimes may have a harder time managing the principal-agent relationship between the supporting state (principal) and the insurgent groups (agents). The need to maintain a large winning coalition to survive as a leader in a democracy presents multiple principal-agent problems and allows rebel leaders and rebel factions to resist integration, prevent the loss of autonomy, and facilitate the establishment of alternative avenues of resource mobilization. While previous literature in political science and international relations provides evidence that structural characteristics of democratic regimes make them good at winning interstate wars, this study provides initial evidence that those same structural characteristics make democracies’ success more elusive when applying unconventional strategies short of war.

No description available.

Yes

The Kenyan state is currently under pressure from two sides: First, numerous non-state armed groups have taken over the provision of security in areas where the state is practically absent. Second, drug-trafficking organizations are gaining ground as the country is increasingly being used as a major transit hub for narcotics. This article investigates the relationship between drug trafficking and informal security provision in Kenya and draws analogies from comparable experiences in Latin America and West Africa. Field research in Kenya has demonstrated that profit-oriented, informal security actors in Mombasa work for drug lords, while their counterparts in Nairobi are more likely to be hired by politicians. Moreover, faith-based vigilante groups in both cities appear to be less susceptible to external manipulation by drug traffickers. The article concludes by considering the potential consequences of an expansion of the drug trade in Kenya. / © 2014 GIGA. Reproduced in accordance with the publisher's self-archiving policy. Africa Spectrum is an Open Access publication. It may be read, copied and distributed free of charge according to the conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution-No Derivative Works 3.0 License.

This diploma thesis deals with one of the aspects of armed groups' governance, namely the institutions that are created or used by armed groups and the role these institutions play in the military-civilian relations. The case study chosen is the Eritrean People's Liberation Front. This armed group was formed in 1973 in the context of the struggle for Eritrea's independence, and in the next decades it created a management system that included taxation, political committees, education, health care, and dispute settlement mechanisms. After the establishment of independent Eritrea in 1993, ELOF evolved into the People's Front for Democracy and Justice, which still remains a ruling Eritrean political party. The primary aim of the thesis is to answer the question of the role played by institutions created by non-state armed groups in building their relations with the civilian population. He is also marginally devoted to the development of Eritrea after independence.

yes / The proliferation of irregular armed actors which defy simplistic definition has caught public and academic attention alike, not least in the pages of this journal. To move the debate on non-state armed groups (NSAGs) forward, this article seeks to enhance our conceptual understanding of parochial armed groups which are not primarily driven by ideological or religious objectives. Thus, this article clarifies similarities as well as differences between subtypes of community-based armed groups (CBAGs) on the one hand, and between CBAGs and other NSAGs, on the other hand. By doing so, a typology is developed that classifies militias, gangs and vigilantes on the basis of their political, economic and security-related dimensions. The resulting ideal types are discussed through the lenses of different explanatory frameworks and policy debates in the field of contemporary security studies. A major typological issue is the tendency for CBAGs to ‘turn bad’ and become threats to the stability they were expected to transform, becoming a serious problem in countries where they operate. It is concluded that the challenge of CBAGs ultimately needs to be addressed by putting in place a functioning state that can tackle the underlying woes that led to their proliferation in the first place.

Previous research has laid out different answers and explanations to why there is variation in female participation and sexual violence respectively. However, less attention has been attributed to investigate the relationship between female participation and sexual violence. In fact, the causal processes between these variables remains under-theorized and unclear. The aim of this study is to contribute theoretically by examining under what conditions NSAGs with female participation engage in sexual violence. Moreover, a novel classification of different types of female participation is introduced. This study argues that NSAGs with subordinate female participation are more likely to engage in sexual violence, compared to NSAGs with strategic female participation. Using a structured focused comparison method in a most-similar case study design, the suggested hypotheses are tested on two cases, UNITA and the EPLF. The results of the study find support for the theorized relationship. According to the findings of this study, I argue that the investigation of women’s roles and gender norms and hierarchies should be particularly considered when studying female participation in NSAGs and sexual violence in armed conflicts. Yet, data limitations and availability call for caution. Lastly, this study points to the need for greater attention and collection of data on female participation in armed organizations. Furthermore, the need for specified and disaggregated data as well as concepts beyond the non-combatant and combatant dichotomy is needed in order to further assess the relationship between female participation and sexual violence, as well as to tailor appropriate policies for its prevention.

Uninhabited Aircraft Systems (UAS), as a relatively novel technology, was always seen as a tool available and utilized only by rich and developed states. But thanks to globalizations and the fast proliferation of commercially available drones, this platform has already been used by smaller states and also non-state groups, giving them possibilities never seen before. Yet, there is little research on how and why these new actors use UAS to claim their cause. The research question to guide this thesis is how and why do non-state armed groups differ from states when using Uninhabited Aircraft Systems in their military operations? The thesis uses a demand- and supply-side theory, adapted for the proliferation of drones to help answer that question. This theory is tested in a multiple case study involving the United States as a state and the Houthis as a non-state group during the Yemeni crisis, from 2011 to 2022. Through a structured, focused comparison between the cases, indicators from the demand- and supply-side models were used to understand the differences in drone use between different actors. The main findings are that states and non-state armed groups differ in their use of UAS mainly because they have different boundaries (legal and technological), but also for the symbol and status that this platform carries. Finally, it was seen that the theory is not only able to clarify the trends on proliferation, but also the why actors use UAS, with few remarks, but with a need to test it further.

Lorsqu’il a fallu moderniser les instruments du droit international humanitaire le conflit armé non international n’était qu’un épiphénomène et son avènement a toujours été considéré comme un élément perturbateur d’une scène internationale profondément étatisé. Néanmoins l’importance croissante de ce type de conflit a permis de mettre en exergue le rôle sans cesse croissant d’un nouveau type d’acteurs à savoir les groupes armés non étatiques. Désormais, ils sont les acteurs majeurs de conflits largement majoritaires. Pour cette raison, nous pensons qu’il est temps de changer d’approche et de revoir les solutions proposées dans les instruments internationaux applicables. Pour toutes ces raisons et pour adapter le droit aux réalités des conflits actuels, une approche dépouillée de toute charge idéologique et péjorative doit primer par rapport à celle actuelle. De même, il est fondamentalement nécessaire de faire assumer à ces groupes les conséquences de leurs agissements en engageant leur responsabilité internationale. / When the instruments of international humanitarian law had to be modernized, the non-international armed conflict was an epiphenomenon and its advent has always been considered a disruptive element of a deeply internationalized international scene. Nevertheless, the growing importance of this type of conflict has highlighted the ever-increasing role of a new type of actors, namely non-State armed groups. From now on, they are the major actors of conflicts largely majority. For this reason, we believe that it is time to change the approach and review the solutions proposed in the applicable international instruments. For all these reasons and to adapt the law to the realities of current conflicts, an approach stripped of any ideological and pejorative burden must take precedence over the current one. Similarly, it is fundamentally necessary to make these groups bear the consequences of their actions by committing their international responsibility.