The relation between verbal affixes and their effect on the predicate argument structure of the verbs that host them has been the focus of many studies in linguistics, with special reference to Bantu languages in recent years. Given the colonial policy on indigenous languages in Angola, Kikongo, as is the case of other Bantu languages in that country, has not been sufficiently studied. This study explores the form and function of six verbal affixes, including the order in which they occur in the verb stem. The study maintains that the applicative and causative are valency-increasing verbal affixes and, as such, give rise to double object constructions in Kikongo. The passive, reciprocal, reflexive and stative are valency-decreasing and, as such, they reduce the valency of the verb by one object. This study also suggests that Kikongo is a symmetrical object language in which both objects appear to have equal status. / African languages / M.A.

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Russia / Belarus / Oil Pipelines / Democratic Revolution / As the last dictatorship in Europe, Belarus is a "problem state" for the United States. This thesis analyses U.S. interests in Belarus and assesses the extent of interdependence of these interests with Russian interests there. It first establishes a theoretical framework for U.S. and Russian national interests and the possibility for cooperation between the two countries. It then examines the mutuality of U.S and Russian interests in Belarus in the areas of democracy and human rights, drug and human trafficking, arms proliferation, oil and gas transit, and Russo-Belarusian trade and political integration and the policy options available to each country. Next, other elements of cooperation are applied to the situation in Belarus. Finally, the possibilities for cooperation are evaluated. This thesis demonstrates that the achievement of U.S. interests is significantly constrained by Russia's willingness to cooperate and that the United States can best achieve its objectives only through cooperation with Russia. This cooperation should center on neither country's first preference, but a compromise solution involving the ascendance of a moderate opponent to Lukashenka from within the Belarusian elite.

The prospects of democracy in Africa is the central concern of this study. The factors that contribute to the existence of undemocratic or autocratic governments in most of Africa therefore becomes our major focus for evaluation. An analysis of the pre-colonial, colonial and neocolonial political history of Africa attributes autocracy in Africa to irreconcilable differences between the African traditional institutions and the imposed colonial political and economic systems. This socio-economic and political disharmony orchestrated by the colonial economics of exploitation, set the tone for neo-colonial African States fraught with economic and political instability. Our research strategy involved a qualitative technique of collecting and analyzing a significant body of data relating to the political history of African states. Through an Afrocentric prism, the flaws of the African political and economic systems are traced to underlying deficiencies in the nature of its states. For a second and perhaps authentic emancipation of Africa therefore, the components of the state structure must be realigned giving priority to the values, customs and traditions of African people. This should form the base for a democratic environment that will usher in effectiveness and legitimacy in governance in those states. A Democratization Front comprising Africans in Africa and in the diaspora is advocated to design and monitor the democratization movement in the continent. The Organization of Africa Unity (OAU) should serve as-the supervisory body to the Democratization Front. The philosophy of the Democratization Front would include a Pan-African mobilization against the forces of political economic and social exploitation of the continent.

The purpose of this study is to determine the circumstances surrounding the Quid revolt, to examine the intricate state and national politics of the period, and to observe how Jefferson handled this challenge to his authority.

Ph.D. (Economics) / The main objective of this study is to assess the role of the informal sector in the economy of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) by assessing its linkage with the formal sector. An attempt to assess the linkage between the formal and informal sectors was carried out by using quantitative techniques that range from the construction of a Social Accounting Matrix (SAM) to the building of a Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) model to assess the impact of each of the sectors in the DRC economy. A new SAM that incorporates formal and informal sector is constructed whereby different techniques and methodologies are applied. The data sources and techniques used to build the SAM and CGE model are described. The DRC Formal Informal Sector Model (DRCFIM) is constructed based on ORANI model of the Australian economy. The generic edition of the model, ORANI-G, developed for CGE modellers was constructed by Horridge (1998). The model has a theoretical composition which is typical of a static Applied General Equilibrium (AGE) model. Nonetheless, one particularity of the DRCFIM is that it is a multi-sectoral CGE model that depicts the reflected structure of the DRC’s formal and informal sectors along with a diversity of linkages between various economic agents such as government, investors, traders and enterprises. DRCFIM is used to perform two policy simulations. The first policy simulation assessed the impact of land use on the DRC economy and the second is on trade liberalisation. In tracing the impact of the land use subsidy shock, output rises and domestic prices decline in most sectors, indicating considerable efficiency and lower costs per unit of output. Land use subsidy raises output in most sectors, stimulating the real GDP to rise by 0.34 and 0.26 percent in the short and long run respectively. Concerning the second policy simulation, we only allowed the import price to decrease by 5 percent in the model. As we would expect, gross domestic product, exports and employment rise when the import price on products is reduced by 5 percent in the short run.