M. Tech. Marketing / Describes the level of awareness of HIV/AIDS, exposure to information, accessibility to condoms and sexual conduct of inhabitants of Kinshasa regarding HIV/AIDS issues under the scrutiny of HIV social marketing campaigns. Secondly, the study aims at investigating the relationships between level of awareness of HIV/AIDS, exposure to information, accessibility to condoms, poverty/equity and sexual conduct amongst the inhabitants of Kinshasa. Thirdly, it intends to determine the difference between groups with regard to gender, age and socio-economic status.

Canada’s public immigration discourse is usually racialized in using an ideological framework to evaluate, select and make judgements of immigrants on whether they are culturally, socially, or economically desirable to Canada. Some social and economic affairs may present a discursive context for debates over immigration and the value of immigrants to Canada. By using a critical discourse analysis of news articles on immigration in Canada’s national newspaper The Globe and Mail in four historical phases after the end of the Second World War, this study examines how the contents of “desirable immigrants” were changed throughout history. This study questions whether some social political affairs in a country or an extreme economic situation such as high unemployment can change the social boundaries of exclusion for immigrants of certain racial and ethnic backgrounds and allow more direct and exclusionary racial messages to be expressed in the discourse. The findings indicate that during economic recessions, it is more acceptable for the media and the public to express more directly racist messages about non-white immigrants, and some political factors and major social events may also influence how different ethnic groups of immigrants can be socially constructed. While a liberal democratic country like Canada may not accept overt racial discrimination, I argue that a social crisis or economic recession can change the social boundaries of exclusion for immigrants of certain racial and ethnic backgrounds and justify using more blatant racial messages in discussing immigrants.

The thesis is a case study that seeks to understand the democratic coaching style by observing the practices of a specific democratically-minded girls’ varsity hockey coach at a private secondary school in the Greater Toronto Area. The study first characterizes a democratic coach by comparing the democratic leadership style with other styles of leadership; the study then offers a clear understanding of the methods and practices of the case study coach by organizing the findings of the study into four categories: communication techniques, organizational structure, coaching decisions and strategies, and the environment created. Within these four categories, themes emerged that helped answer the following research question: How is democratic coaching understood and practiced by a democratically-minded coach?

This thesis explores a relationship between democratic self-determination, universal human rights, and democratic legitimacy. States are democratically legitimate when they satisfy the first two terms of this relationship. However, these two terms are in tension. This tension is between the universal and particular natures of the terms and requires democratic procedures to provisionally resolve it. A universal human right can be interpreted and contextualized through such procedures to resolve this tension. I argue that the human right to free movement cannot be adequately contextualized in nation-state fora, but instead require an international democratic institution to perform this act. As a result, nation-states, in order to be legitimate, must give up control of their borders to the international institution so that they recognize the human right to free movement. A consequence of this is that Canadian immigration policy is insufficiently democratic and does not recognize the human right to free movement. / SSHRC

This dissertation looks at the challenges that deliberative democratic theory encounters when it tries to offer a rich account of inclusion yet refuses to acknowledge the legitimacy of external protest. While sympathetic to deliberative democracy’s goals, I challenge this focus upon the deliberative group as the theory tries to satisfy requirements of inclusion and legitimacy. In response I offer a normative account of protest within a larger deliberative framework – one that offers a more comprehensive account of democratic inclusion. I look at critiques of deliberative democracy, particularly in terms of the theory’s ability to account for pluralism, and I argue that in order to meet this challenge we need to offer a normative justification of protest. Moreover, we need to do this not only to achieve full and effective inclusion but also to deal with the lack of efficacy that marginalized deliberants may encounter even when requirements of formal and effective inclusion are met. As I address these challenges I offer a theory of protest-as-deliberation in which I develop a normative justification of protest and set out the conceptual changes that allow this justification to be normatively and practically viable. My account takes protest, as something outside of and in opposition to the deliberative group, seriously and extends the deliberative framework to include protest; importantly, it does this without co-opting protestors. Drawing from previous critiques, I develop the normative and practical links that are necessary in order to facilitate a deliberative dialogue between protestors and the deliberative group. The conceptual changes that are necessary in order to realize protest-as-deliberation require that we re-evaluate the impact that deliberative criteria of reason-giving has upon effective inclusion and people’s efficacy and that we change these criteria accordingly. Additionally, we need to revisit the democratic capacity of the public sphere, reconceptualized as the deliberative polity in which the process of protest-as-deliberation takes place. When we do this we ought to place a greater emphasis upon available public spaces, both physical and conceptual, that deliberants and protestors need in order for effective deliberation and contestation to occur. / Thesis (Ph.D, Political Studies) -- Queen's University, 2008-12-01 14:58:51.95

This dissertation examines the behaviour of the Supreme Court of Canada in cases involving electoral/referendum laws and the alleged violation of freedom of expression and/or the right to vote. In 2007, it declared that the judiciary should adopt "a natural attitude of deference" towards Parliament's decisions about the democratic process when determining, under section one of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, whether the infringement is reasonable and justified. This declaration reflected institutional concerns about judicial competence to review legislative choices in this area of public policy and the democratic legitimacy of it doing so. It was made even though the Court had found laws unconstitutional in a majority of the cases that it had heard to date. Deference is often simply equated with government 'wins' in court. Such an equation ignores the effect that the decision has on judicial reasoning. It sets the standard of review the court uses when applying the Oakes test, the framework within which the section 1 analysis occurs. It also establishes the standard of proof that the Crown must meet to demonstrate that an infringement is justified. The outcome of constitutional disputes can turn on the decision about deference, pointing to a need for structure and coherence in the judiciary's approach. A review of the Court's jurisprudence shows that this need has not been met. In spite of its importance to constitutional adjudication, the analytical process by which the decision is made has garnered little attention from those who study the Charter. This dissertation seeks to fill this gap by examining deference theory and the use of deference in disputes involving the democratic process and by proposing an approach for specific use in these cases. The approach links the decision to the nature of the legislation, the nature of the right and the nature of the parliamentary discourse that preceded the enactment or amendment of the impugned law. Before setting the standards of review and proof used during the Oakes test, courts should determine whether: they have the necessary competence and legitimacy to act; the right warrants stringent constitutional protection; and parliamentarians engaged in serious deliberations that included the Charter and the reasonableness of any infringements. / Thesis (Ph.D, Political Studies) -- Queen's University, 2011-12-23 12:12:53.51

Informal mining requires particular attention in the fight against poverty. In sub-Saharan Africa, the world's poorest region, more than ten millions of people have depended on it for livelihoods. The aim of this study was to investigate the causes and impacts of the suspension of informal mining in the eastern DRC, between 2010 and 2011, on rural livelihoods in Twangiza. The study being a qualitative case study, both primary and secondary data were collected through semi-structured interviews with a total of 21 respondents and analyzed using thematic methods. This study has found that geopolitical influences upon the DRC government‟s concerns over fraud, corruption, loss of state revenues and the perpetuation of conflicts associated with informal mining activities were the main causes of its suspension in the eastern DRC. In Twangiza however, although informal mining was still practiced until 2010 when it was suspended across the eastern DRC, it had already been illegalized since 2003, following the introduction of BANRO - a Canadian based multinational company – to mine in the area. This happened shortly after DRC‟s adoption of a predominantly neo-liberal driven Mining Code in 2001. This study has also found that the suspension of informal mining worsened the already venerable rural livelihoods in Twangiza as it resulted in increased unemployment, loss of income and food as well school dropouts by both pupils and teachers. To cope with these impacts many people decided to liquidate their assets, including livestock and land. While some of them managed to reemploy themselves by reinvesting in small businesses or migrating outside the community to search jobs, the most vulnerable had no option but to stay at home, resort to theft or prostitution. This study, therefore stresses the livelihood importance of informal mining in Twangiza, which is consistent with previous studies on informal mining and livelihoods among poor communities in developing countries, especially in Africa. It also questions the consistency of DRC‟s mining policy and provides some constructive recommendations on how mining should be used to promote sustainable development in the eastern DRC. / Thesis (M.Dev.Studies)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2012.

The cruelty and scope of the widespread criminality of humans in the world, which was a feature of the past century, was fuelled by scientific progress, egoism and humanity's power of destruction. The criminal consequences of the many imperialistic, hegemonic and barbarous wars in that century were immeasurable in terms of violations of human rights. Notwithstanding the emergence of international criminal justice through the experience of the International Criminal Military Tribunal of Nuremberg and Tokyo and later the ad hoc International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, globally, impunity for egregious crimes continues. The establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC) at the end of the 20th century was saluted as a major step forward in the evolution of international criminal justice. While previous tribunals were ad hoc, the ICC is permanent and has large territorial jurisdiction. This raises hope among the many Congolese victims of the first African World War, who view the ICC as a paradigm change that will put a stop to impunity for crimes against humanity and the crimes of genocide and war. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the past decades have been marked by instability and horrible armed conflicts (1996-97 and 1998-2003) which left several million people dead, and which were marked by gross war crimes. The negative consequences of those atrocities persist until today. While the ICC initiated the prosecution of some war criminals in 2004, most crimes committed before 2002 remain unpunished, because the ICC's jurisdiction is limited to after that time. It is therefore imperative to examine other mechanisms to deal with impunity for various grave crimes, including war crimes, perpetrated between 1996 and 2002. Thus the aim of this research is to contribute to the fight against impunity for crimes in the DRC by examining how other modes of jurisdiction such as the principle of universality can be applied, and to assess the need for the establishment of a specific tribunal for the DRC. Considering the inability and incapacity of the Congolese judicial apparatus, this study concludes by recommending the establishment of a Special Criminal Tribunal which can put an end to impunity for serious crimes committed in the DRC. / Thesis (LL.M.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2012.

I argue that Friedrich Nietzsche provides us with a political philosophy that deserves serious consideration as a uniquely anti-democratic position within the canon of modern political theory. Beyond recent attempts to democratise Nietzsche's thoughts on power and self-creation, I provide an analysis of Nietzsche's anti-democratic impulse that demonstrates how the elements of hierarchy and philosophy form the core of an antidemocratic and anti-universalist political project in Nietzsche's mature thought. Hitherto, many of Nietzsche's interpreters have assumed that his thought yields no unambiguous political philosophy because he fails to present his ideas in a systematic way. Yet it may be argued that Nietzsche's political thought does reveal a significant, if skeletal, structure that is built upon consistent ideas, however unsystematically presented. The overall aim of this thesis is to determine the best way to characterize what is uniquely political in Nietzsche. I claim that the political in Nietzsche has to do with the relationship between politics as hierarchy and philosophy as independent value creation. I present my thesis in three parts. Firstly, I develop my argument within a critique of recent democratic interpretations of Nietzsche. Secondly, I illustrate the relationship between hierarchy and philosophy through an original exegesis of Nietzsche's texts. And finally, by engaging in a comparative analysis of Hannah Arendt's political theory, I offer an example of how Nietzsche's anti-democratic project may be employed as a tool in the ongoing consideration of important issues in political theory.

This thesis presents an analysis of the extent of democratic consolidation in Ghana by examining the role of state institutions, the institutionalization of the political parties and the de facto two-party system, as well as civil society and interest groups. It addresses the following specific questions. What has been the role of state institutions in the democratic consolidation process? To what extent have the political parties and the de facto two-party system been institutionalized and what has been their contribution in the democratic consolidation process? How vibrant are civil society and interest groups and what has been their contribution in the democratic consolidation process? What are the challenges and constraints faced by state institutions, the institutionalized political parties and party system, as well as civil society and interest groups in contributing to the democratic consolidation process? What measures should be adopted to deal with these challenges and constraints? Focusing on the July 2012 presidential succession and the December 2012 general elections as case studies, the analysis in this thesis demonstrates that state institutions such as the Executive, Parliament, the Judiciary, the Electoral Commission and the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice, as well as an institutionalized political parties and party system and civil society and interest groups have made some contribution in the democratic consolidation process. However, the analysis also demonstrates that there are a few challenges and constraints that need to be addressed before Ghana can be considered a consolidated democracy