Women’s Studies students’ accounts of their experiences academically, emotionally and politically in feminist university classrooms will be investigated in this thesis. Central to my work, through an anti-racist feminist and intersectional analysis, is to demonstrate the ways in which Women’s Studies university classroom spaces are neither ‘innocent’ nor are they devoid of racism/white supremacy as it is present in the bodies who are allowed to enter the space, voices allowed to speak and knowledge being taught. As this research is informed by a personal experience in an undergraduate Women and Gender Studies course at a local university, I will use both auto-ethnography and interviews as method in and through anti-racist feminist research methodology. Highlighting the importance of anti-racism education as a call to action in attending to this disjuncture and also to erode superficial notions of sisterhood will demonstrate white feminist supremacy as an implication for the sociology of race.

Women’s Studies students’ accounts of their experiences academically, emotionally and politically in feminist university classrooms will be investigated in this thesis. Central to my work, through an anti-racist feminist and intersectional analysis, is to demonstrate the ways in which Women’s Studies university classroom spaces are neither ‘innocent’ nor are they devoid of racism/white supremacy as it is present in the bodies who are allowed to enter the space, voices allowed to speak and knowledge being taught. As this research is informed by a personal experience in an undergraduate Women and Gender Studies course at a local university, I will use both auto-ethnography and interviews as method in and through anti-racist feminist research methodology. Highlighting the importance of anti-racism education as a call to action in attending to this disjuncture and also to erode superficial notions of sisterhood will demonstrate white feminist supremacy as an implication for the sociology of race.

Thesis (MEd)--University of South Australia, 1994

This thesis is a transdisciplinary study aimed at exploring the role of race, racism and stress as determinants of health for indigenous populations and other oppressedethnoracial groups. Commencing with an analysis of continuing racialisation in health research, it is shown that there is no consistent evidence that oppressed ethnoracial groups, who suffer disproportionately from type 2 diabetes, are especially genetically susceptible to this disease. Continued attribution of ethnoracial differences in health to genetics highlights the need to be attentive to both environmental and genetic risk factors operating within and between ethnoracial groups. This exploration of racialisation is followed by a theoretical examination of racism as a health risk factor. This includes a comprehensive definition of racism, a diagrammaticrepresentation of the aetiological relationship between racism and health and an examination of the dimensions across which perceived racism can be operationalised.An empirical review of 138 quantitative population-based studies of self-reported racism as a determinant of health reveals that self-reported racism is related to ill-health(particularly mental health) for oppressed ethnoracial groups after adjustment for a range of confounders. This review also highlights a number of limitations in thisnascent field of research. This thesis then attempts to clarify the plethora of conceptual approaches used in thestudy of stress and health as a first step towards comprehending how stress interacts with both racism and health. A review of the empirical association between stress and chronic disease for fourth world indigenous populations and African Americans was also conducted. This review, which located 65 studies, found that a range of chronic diseases (especially chronic mental conditions) were associated with psychosocial stress. Utilising the conceptual work on operationalising racism discussed above, an instrument was developed to measure racism and its correlates as experienced by Indigenous Australians. This instrument demonstrated good face, content, psychometric andconvergent validity in a pilot study involving 312 Indigenous Australians. The majority of participants in this study (70%) reported some experience of inter-personal racism, with this exposure most commonly reported in employment and public settings, from service providers and from other Indigenous people. Strong and consistent associations were found between racism and chronic stress as well as between racism and depression (CES-D), poor/fair self-assessed health status/poor general mental health (SF-12) and a marker of CVD risk (homocysteine), respectively. There was also evidence that the association between inter-personal racism and poor mental health outcomes was ediated by somatic and inner-directed disempowered reactions to racism as well as by chronic stress and a range of psychosocial characteristics. To conclude this thesis, an examination of approaches to addressing racism forIndigenous Australians is undertaken. The theoretical issues pertinent to the study of anti-racism are discussed along with empirical findings from social psychology oneffective approaches to anti-racism. Recommendations for implementing these approaches through institutional and legal policies are also presented. Strategies for engendering political will to combat racism in the current neo-liberal capitalist climate are also briefly considered.

Australian debates about racial vilification legislation have been dominated by mainstream American First Amendment jurisprudence and popular American notions of 'free speech' to the exclusion of alternative Europeans models. This can be seen from notions of Australian racial vilification legislation as inconsistent with 'free speech' rights as well as the influence of some of the basic assumptions of First Amendment jurisprudence on political speech cases in the Australian High Court. Despite the widespread existence of legislation that penalises racial vilification at State and Federal levels, there has been a rise in Australia over the past 10 years of divisive 'race' politics. Against that background, this thesis considers the scope and limits of racial vilification legislation in Australia. It is argued that First Amendment jurisprudence is inadequate in the Australian context, because it is heavily dependent upon economic metaphors, individualistic notions of identity and outdated theories of communication. It assumes that 'free speech' in terms of lack of government intervention is essential to 'democracy'. It ignores the content, context and effect of harmful speech, except in extreme cases, with the result that socially harmful speech is protected in the name of 'free speech'. This has narrowed the parameters within which racial vilification is understood and hindered the development of a broader discourse on the realities of racist harms, and the mechanisms necessary for their redress. The author calls for the development of an Australian jurisprudence of harmful speech. Failing an Australian Bill of Rights, that jurisprudence would be grounded upon the implied constitutional right of free political speech, informed by an awareness that modern structures of public speech favour a very limited range of speech and speakers. The jurisprudence would take advantage of the insights of Critical Race Theory into the connections between racial vilification and racist behaviour, as well as the personal and social harms of racial vilification. Finally, it is argued that the concepts of human dignity and equality, which underpin European discrimination legislation and notions of justice, provide a way forward for Australian jurisprudence in this area.

Australian debates about racial vilification legislation have been dominated by mainstream American First Amendment jurisprudence and popular American notions of 'free speech' to the exclusion of alternative Europeans models. This can be seen from notions of Australian racial vilification legislation as inconsistent with 'free speech' rights as well as the influence of some of the basic assumptions of First Amendment jurisprudence on political speech cases in the Australian High Court. Despite the widespread existence of legislation that penalises racial vilification at State and Federal levels, there has been a rise in Australia over the past 10 years of divisive 'race' politics. Against that background, this thesis considers the scope and limits of racial vilification legislation in Australia. It is argued that First Amendment jurisprudence is inadequate in the Australian context, because it is heavily dependent upon economic metaphors, individualistic notions of identity and outdated theories of communication. It assumes that 'free speech' in terms of lack of government intervention is essential to 'democracy'. It ignores the content, context and effect of harmful speech, except in extreme cases, with the result that socially harmful speech is protected in the name of 'free speech'. This has narrowed the parameters within which racial vilification is understood and hindered the development of a broader discourse on the realities of racist harms, and the mechanisms necessary for their redress. The author calls for the development of an Australian jurisprudence of harmful speech. Failing an Australian Bill of Rights, that jurisprudence would be grounded upon the implied constitutional right of free political speech, informed by an awareness that modern structures of public speech favour a very limited range of speech and speakers. The jurisprudence would take advantage of the insights of Critical Race Theory into the connections between racial vilification and racist behaviour, as well as the personal and social harms of racial vilification. Finally, it is argued that the concepts of human dignity and equality, which underpin European discrimination legislation and notions of justice, provide a way forward for Australian jurisprudence in this area.

Australian debates about racial vilification legislation have been dominated by mainstream American First Amendment jurisprudence and popular American notions of 'free speech' to the exclusion of alternative Europeans models. This can be seen from notions of Australian racial vilification legislation as inconsistent with 'free speech' rights as well as the influence of some of the basic assumptions of First Amendment jurisprudence on political speech cases in the Australian High Court. Despite the widespread existence of legislation that penalises racial vilification at State and Federal levels, there has been a rise in Australia over the past 10 years of divisive 'race' politics. Against that background, this thesis considers the scope and limits of racial vilification legislation in Australia. It is argued that First Amendment jurisprudence is inadequate in the Australian context, because it is heavily dependent upon economic metaphors, individualistic notions of identity and outdated theories of communication. It assumes that 'free speech' in terms of lack of government intervention is essential to 'democracy'. It ignores the content, context and effect of harmful speech, except in extreme cases, with the result that socially harmful speech is protected in the name of 'free speech'. This has narrowed the parameters within which racial vilification is understood and hindered the development of a broader discourse on the realities of racist harms, and the mechanisms necessary for their redress. The author calls for the development of an Australian jurisprudence of harmful speech. Failing an Australian Bill of Rights, that jurisprudence would be grounded upon the implied constitutional right of free political speech, informed by an awareness that modern structures of public speech favour a very limited range of speech and speakers. The jurisprudence would take advantage of the insights of Critical Race Theory into the connections between racial vilification and racist behaviour, as well as the personal and social harms of racial vilification. Finally, it is argued that the concepts of human dignity and equality, which underpin European discrimination legislation and notions of justice, provide a way forward for Australian jurisprudence in this area.

Thesis (M. Ed.)--University of Toronto, 2006. / Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 44-06, page: 2647. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 144-151).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Toronto, 2004. / Adviser: George Dei.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Toronto, 2006. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-07, Section: A, page: 2538. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 171-190).